For a Workers Republic: Jan/Feb 1994

ayers [Feb 119% Workers Republic Journal of the Irish Committee for a Marxist Programme Special Edition

DECLARATION

WE WANT

FREEDOM,

NOT

CLARIFICATION

The Prime Minister .... reaffirms that they will upnoid the democratic wish of a greater number of the people of Northern Ireland on the issue of whether they prefer to support the union... There is no need for explanation or clarification of the Downing street deciaration. Its a clear attack on the democratic rights of the irish people, denying them the right to self-determination and eiavating to the status of natural law the veto of an artificial minority.

The deciaration marks the Deginning of a new offensive by the 8ritish, and down the road lies a revamped Stormont, new powers for the sectarian Unionist politicians, a new era of discrimination and oppression. Barricade Pushed to the forefront by the new

DOWNING STREET

10p ‘John Major waves piece of paper in London accerd are the ooliticians of Fianna Fail and the SDLP. Their policy is to protect their wailets and make sure that the Irish working class are never in a position to unite against them. They are quite happy to stitch up the nationalist working class in the North and to build a barricade set in concrete to reinforce partition, prevent irish unity and maintain the fragmentation of the working class.

Confusion A major eiement in the whole orfensive has been the mistakes and confusion of the Republican !eadership. The concept of the Nationalist family has isolated the movement from radical forces, especially in the South. Now they confess that a militarist strategy does not offer a way forward. but offerthe false alternative of capitulation to the nationalist parties and acompromise with imperialismthat effectively rips the neart cut of the republican programme. Alternative The majority of republican militants have quite cleariy rejected this. Now they need to ficht back and consiruct a new strategy that demolishes the fake alternatives of military adventures versus capitulation. The first task is to overcome the democratic deficit dulit up by the republican !eacership toreject secret dipiomacy consul- ‘ation and conventicns 3nd emand an open conference of the oppressed that can definitively reject the Downing street deciaration, declare that Insh seif-determination is our right and turn away from the capitalist coilaoorators who rule in the 26 counties and towards our natural allies among working people in ail 32 counties.

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No to Major-Reynolds! No to Hume-Adams! Self-determination and Socialism! On 5th October 1968 a peacefui demonstration in Derry was brutally batoned off the streets by the RUC, leaving 96 people in need of hospital treatment. Television fo showed a bigoted and bitter police force savagely attacking ademonstration demanding no more than civil rights for British citizens. A few months later in the same city the RUC murdered two old age pensioners,Samuel Devenny and Francie McCloskey. In August 196° the North finally exploded as loyalist mobs attacked catholic areas and the British army was sent unto the streets to take over from an exhausted and demoralised RUC. Only two years laterin 1971 didthe IRA kill its first British soldier. All this seems along time ago now. The moral rightness of the civil rights campaign and the following struggle against Stormont has been buried in an avalanche of propaganda about "the men of violence" etc. and the overriding need for "peace". However the origin ofthe presentcrisis shows thatthe real problem today is not one of "terrorism" but the existence through partition of a state which can only survive through sectarianism and violence. If the IRA decides to end its campaign it will not be because of the overwhelming desire for "peace", nor even that it has embraced a Socialist programme which subordinates military activity to workers unity and action. It will be because British and Loyalist violence has finally defeated it.

The events of 1968 and 1969 demonstrate tnat the problem predates the |RA. |: showed a sectarian state which divides not only workers in the Nortn along sectarian lines but diviaes ei: irish workers and separates British workers from e unity anc symzathy' with the workers of Ireland. Catholic workers remain over twice as likely to be unemploved as Protestant ones and continue to have on average a lower siandara of Iving. Torture, intemmeni and mu:derhaveallbeen employedtodestroy their resistance to Bntish rule. Protestant workers remain privileged only by’ comparison with Catholics and fortnis marginalpnvilege they have sok then selves to a bitter and bigoted sectarian unity with their expioiters. The whole Insh working class is divided North and South, making ft that much easierforboth native andforeigncaptalism to foist two sectanan and explotting states on them. Finalty Brtish workers are condemned to an alliiance with their own ruling class in its denial of self-determination for the Insh people.

STRATEGIC INTEREST

One of the biggest lies peddied today is that the British Goverment ‘has no selfish strategic or economic interest in Northem Ireland cited as ‘proo’ of thisisthe £3 billion subsidisation a'ven every yearto Northem Ireland. Infact this proves exactly the opposite. The idea that British imperialism forks out £3 billion every year out of the 9000ness of its heart is hilanous. While Bmain certainly wants to reduce this bill, and hopes a victory agains: tne resisiance will achieve this. it is quite prepared io go on paying if ft is tne price for maintaining a minimum Doittcai stability. When Briain sent its troops onto tne streets in 1969, it aid So noi to provect Catholics (this lie has already Deen nailed by history) but to prop uz the northem state which was faliingapar.

Britain stays in Ireland because irelandis strategically imponant andtneir role in the North is crucial to the siadiiity of the country as a whole. Paritiori iscrucialas the political framewo* for safeguarding stable conditions for capitalist exploitation inthe wnolecountry. The very idea that the island of ireland next door to Briain and with thousands of citizens itving in Britain is of no Strategic importance is laughable. At the present time and the foreseeable future Britain sees no other way to preserve these strategic interests than through direct occupation of the North. If the real issue and the real cause of violence is the sectanan state and Bntish occupation what can we do about i? The utter failure of repubi:canism has left anti-impenalists parelysed over the attematives of continuing to support a military campaign which is increasingly | isolated and Incapable of delivering victory, and an almost unconditional surrender to impenalism. This is the only aliemative offered by republicanism. To reject the altemative is to reject republicanism and to reject republicanism itself requires an altemative. The only aliernattveis revolutionary socialism. What is needed is a socialist analysis of the national question and a socialist programme to reconstruct the resistance to impenalism and build the alliances and movement that will lead to victory It is utterly clear that British rule in ireland is undemocratic. Despie all the hypocritical verbiage about ‘consent’ being the key to any settiement.

partition was imposed by Britain withouttheconsent and against the wishes of the majority of the Insh peopie. li only continues with the backing of thousands of armed troops and loye'ists. The only democratic solution to this oppression is the nght of the insh people to self-determination

ARTIFICIAL STATE

This simpie democratic right hasbeen obscured not onty by the Britich and loyalists in their attempt to reinforce partition but aiso by the SDLP andthe Southemgovemment. Nowthisdemocratic nght tis to be emasculated by the lovalis ‘veto which has been dressed

up as the consent of the people of Northem ireland’. They deliberately forgetthe totally artificialandsectarian nature of the state, created to reinforce the divisions in the Insh working class. Most hypocniticalofallisHume’s claim that we live in a ‘postnationalist age’ (e.g. ft doesn’t matter who rules Ireland) while he simutta seeks werden struggle to British nationalism. Why Is seli-determination for the Insh people the only democratic solution?

It is easy to see that Britain can have no roie in determining tne future of the Insh people and neither are the Protestants of Ireland part of Briain. ‘as British as Finchley . Even the British nave now acknowiedged that. The British people claim for themselves the unity and independence of their State but deny it to the Irish people.

The unity of British and Irish workers which socialists seek can only be achieved when this privilege is rejected by British workers and they too demand that their ruling class withdraws from Ireland.

DEMOCRATIC VALIDITY

There is no democratic validity in the demand for self-determination for Northem Ireland. This is a totally artificial state created to ensure Protestant majonity - in effect self-determination. This is totally sectanan, condemning Catholics in a Protestant state to continued second class citizenship. In reality it is only a demand for loyalist privilege and for Britain’s continued prevention of Insh unity and independence. Only self-determination for the Irish peopie simultaneously rejects Britain’sinterference and offers the idea that both religious communities jointly determinetheirfutures together. Theprospectof suchademocratic anc non sectanan state has peen hampered no* only by Bmain anc lovalists but aise by the irish capitalist class whicn has looked to the reactionary power of the catholic church to bolster its rule.

It has aisc been obscured by the republican movement failure to remain true toits stated programme. While its miitary campaian has been directed at impenaiism it has not been free of seciananism. More importantly tt has rejected any confrontation with the 26 countn’ state and the Insh capitalist class. This has been disastrous not just for anv appeal tt might have had for Protestant workers but also for any alternative it might have hoped to offer to southern workers. By prociaiming that 1 does not seek to undermine the souihem Siate and actually has the same alms as the capitalist parties in the south f stands condemned for endorsing the failure that exists in the 26 country State. Extending the existing 26 country state to cover all of the \sand CouK not possibly succeed in winning southem workers to the ant impenalist struggie. Achieving this is crucialbecause the last 25 years have demonstrated conclusively that 2 struggle against impenaiism confined to tne North has no possibility of succeeding. At the same time it can’t exiend to the southem workers ff all offers Is 2 32 countn’ free state. The republican strategy of seeking to ali witn Fianna Fall, the enemy of Insh workers, put them on the wrong side of tne struggie. Herewecome tothe limit ofany purely gemocratk programme restncted as it is to the demand for self-determination. Evenifthe republican movement reject alliances with ireland’s middle anc capitalist class it would be totally incapable of mobilising Ireland's workers against imperialism. To do this would require offering an altemative ic tne inequality and oppression that exisis in the 26 counties. Nothing in tne republican Kea oi 2 ‘national democracy’ would do this. Only a socialist programme offers such an aliemative. Only astruggie that seeksto give revolutionary leadership to the struggies of Ireland's workers offers an adequate altemative for confronting ana defeating not just impenalism but Insn capitalism. In other words only in the struggle for socialism can selfdetermination be achieved. Only by uniting all of ireland s workers against impenalism and capitalism can partition and the sectarian state be smashed.

WORKING CLASS

Tne creation of an al! ireianc party of tne working class with this programme is apsolutetly necessary to achieve this. lt is clear that the republican movement is as near to this as John Hume is to demanding ‘Brits Out’.

Guided by such a strategy socialists angeveryone opposed to impenalism have basic tasks in the current situator 1 Rejection of any alliances with the SDLP and Dublin government.

2 Rejection of any compromise with imperialism or loyalism.

3 Reaffirmatiori oftne demands for British withdrawai anc seli<etermination for the Irish peopie as the only road to real peace. 4 The call for unity of ail Ireland’s workers against British rule.

In practical terms this means rejecting notonty Hume-Adamsandthe Downing Street declaration but also reliance on a military campavan which is going nowhere. Inthe North it would mean a political campaign against attacks ondemocratic nghts by Brtain which will continue as the ‘stick’ half of British strategy to encourage acceptance of the ‘carrot’. It means a campaign in defence of workers aaainst secianan attacks. exposingthe SDLP and the trade union ieadership wno call for reliance on the Brush state. It means opposition to all Geais which will be proposed to seai tne ‘peace process’ with new sectanan structures. Finally it means rejection of sectananismandanappeailto Protestant workers to reject loyalism on the basis of democratic and class politics.

In the South it woukd mean construction of a solidarity carnpaian with the struggle agains: impenaism in tne North which wouk aisc target the violation of democratic ngnis in the 26 country state. It would mean intervening in the struggles of Ireland's workers against the austerity offensive of the Dublin govemmeni and for the defence ofdemocratic nghtsof women against the catholic state and church.

Against all talk of nationalist or loyalist ‘forums’ we shoud demanda workers forum to discuss the needs of Ireland’s workers to live free from oppression and exploitation. Constructing a strategy to roll back the attacks on workers living standards would be the first prionty. The cuimination of such a strategy woul be the creation of 2 party which would unite the diverse struggles of Ireland's workers and oppressed giving them the revolutionary ieadership required to effect tne socialist transformation required to fundamentaliy change the society that presently exists. The reconstruction of a mass resisianceagainstimpenalismandthe building of a revolutionary sociaiist party in the whoie of ireland will be no easy or sudden task. We can be confident however that neither Britisn impenaiism, the Dublin government or Hume- Adams will provde the answersto the probiems facing the InsP workers.

However. popular a ‘peace’ settle ment may be inthe short term it will not pring peace. The British army too was poouiar when f first ammved onte the streets. Things did not take long to change. They will change again.

The Left and the Downing street declaration The lett in Ireland today, as in the past, is dominated by separate and rival traditions of Marxist thinking. On the one side we nave the reformed stalinists in the shape of the workers party and the Communist party of !reland. 8cth parties nave welcomed the Downing street declaration.

The communist party believes that Sinn Fein has been given an historic opportunity to join hands with the SDLP and Fianna Fail; The Downing Street declaration, for all its limitations, at least acknowledges the Irish people as one people. That must be built upon by further struggle and by winning international support , and the opportunity for the Republican movementto be involved in direct discussions with the Brit- ‘sh and in the National Forum for Peace and Reconciliation could be vaiuable in developing the turnback of Irish public opinion to a confident assertion of national democratic rights [Unity 8-1-94 p7.} The Stalinist strategy for winning national liberation struggles originates from a document The thesis on the situation in China passed by the Communist internationaiin 1927. Thislegitimised workers parties joining forces with oarties representing the capitalist class in the context of a struggle for national rights. Through various twists and turns they have held this policy to the present day, despite the ruinous political capitulation to pro-imperiaiist forces and the defeats this nas inflicted. The ghost of this capitulation hangs over Stalinist suppon for the betrayal of the PLO leadership and the whole movement towards compromise with imcerialism affecting many national liberation movements across the world.

Tne outcome is always the same; the courgeois nationalists always stad vorking class anti-imperialists 'n the oack at the most appropriate mevement. in ireland today the offer to maxe Albert Reynolds the cusiodian of the national struggie should De reoudiated. Stalinism in Ireland is today on the decline. Its place onthe left is claimed by organisations like the Socialist Workers Mo vement [SWM] and Militant - both of which claim allegiance to the anti-stalinist tradition of Trotskyism, while often showing scant regard for the political programme he espoused. The SWM show a’classic opportunism in their reaction to the Downing street deciaration. lt offers nothing to workers and can not bring peace. How couid it when it was drawn up by two Tory Governments who have shown nothing but contemot for working-class peopie? Having stated the obvious they go on to show a happv indiffer- 2nce to the possibility that sections of the anti-imperialist movement might support the siatement.

instead of pinning any hopes on Major and Revnolds we need to pulid um working class unity trom oeiow. Tne first step :n that -will mean buiiding a united fight back against Tory plans to impose a wage freeze, tocut student grants and to out VAT on fuel. {Socialist Worker van 94 p3] The SWM hopes to avoid campaigning on the right to self-determination by displacing this fundamental democratic principle unto an absiract call for workers unity. This evasive action will win socialists few friends among politically conscious Irish workers.

Over an extended period of time it would mean bowing to the weight of unionism within the Northern workingclass. Although inthe past the SWM has severely criticised the bread and butter politics of the old Northern Ireland Labour panty, it is clear that their own position is only a ieftwing version ofthis. Their refusal to take a clear positicn in the maior political debate involving working ciass militants in Ireland today is the politics of socialist evasion. It serves their movement and the struggle as a whole ill. irish Committee For a Marxist Programme About ourselves The insh Commiitee For a Marxist Programme was founded by former memcers of Pecoles Democracy, irish Section of the Fourth international. ‘Ve believe the most important task facing us, a task bourne out by events, is to examine and update a working class programme for the # Insh revolution. We intent to publish the results of our work and to build a conference to launch a new working-class party.

For further information contact:PO Box 40, Belfast 38 Clanawley Road, Xilester, Dublin 109 O'Malley Road, Limerick City

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