For a Workers Republic: Vol. 2 no. 2, August 1995

For A orkers Republic Journal of the Irish Committee for a Marxist Programmme Price 50p Volume 2 “If the IRA ever chose to go back to violence they would find that circumstances have changed dramatically. They are not going to have the same financial backing from abroad....the same backing from the people on the streets and the Irish government and churches...” [John Major, July Ist} That's the reality of the “Peace Process”. That's why the Bnush were confident enough to release Clegg and capitulate to orange bigots.

Republican leaders promised “marching fect and angn Number 2 Voices” bul when Britain threw down the gauntlet protests were kept firmly within the ranks of Sinn Fein. used ta release frustration, subordinated to deals with the “nationalist famuly calls for “Adl-Party talks” and more diplomacy There's a lot ol anger at the Brittsh stance and a real opportunity to build a broad democratic protest movement - but to do that we have to face facts. denounce the “peace process” as a sham and break out of the cage of the “nationalist family” towards new alliances with working people and the oppressed For A Workers Republic. Page 1

he reality behind the "Peace Process" Throwing down the Gauntlet There are very few things to smile about following a whole series of attacks and rebuffs on the Irish people this summer. About the only gain we can point to is that we have seen the future of the “peace process” - and it stinks. Its a future where Orange bigots continue their triumphalist intimidation of nationalists in the North, where lan Paisley is free to urge right - wing insurrection without a murmur of disapproval. where the RUC feel free to baton nationalists off the streets or intern them in ghettos while applving the “Now boys. Now” theory of crowd contro] to Orange mobs before capitulating to them.

It's a future where British forces have a renewed legitimacy for killing by state forces following the Clegg release. Finally its a future where Irish capitalism further cements its new alliance with British imperialism by kissing the backside of Charles Windsor while keeping Sinn Fein impotently locked in the box of the “Nationalist family”.

Despite all this it would be wrong to believe that the British don't want peace. The only problem is that the peace they want is what we see before us. The sectarian little colony in the North is to continue under Orange rule. with some attempts to get the Orangemen to tone it down a bit. The SDLP and the Catholic middle class are to get a few perks and a few crumbs used to buy off community activists and tie Sinn Fein into constitutional politics. There's little more on offer.

QUESTION

That's why there's the hard chaw about IRA decommissioning. Why fringe Lovalist partys are being pumped up to counterbalance Sinn Fein, why the prisoners issue is to be “resolved” at a snail's pace - a few transfers now, mavbe 50% remission next vear mavbe all the prisoners out by 2005! That's why substantive talks are on the long finger and we face the decommissioning logjam.

Fundamentally what is at issue is the status of the large anti-imperialist layer within the Irish working class and oppressed. Has it been finaily defeated after 25 years of struggie? The British need to answer that question in the affirmative now. Decommissioning needs to be used to publicly signal the defeat of the republicans - because when they finally get to the negotiating table they will find that the cupboard is bare. Peace means business more or less as usual. The twin tracks of British policy - which they hardly even bother to disguise - are one the one hand the minimum change needed stabilise partition and allow the Dublin bourgeoisie and the Catholic middle class to climb on board in support - on the other hand an agreement to stop hitting the republicans over the head and let them take their place at the table as a minor constitutional party in return for unconditional surrender.

The Clegg case and the marching season in the North showed up the central contradiction of republican policy. Unity of the “nationalist family” and the strategy of diplomacy stand in direct contradiction to any policy of mass action or unity with Irish workers in the 26 counties.

The conflict was resolved by the republican leadership staying firmly on side with the Irish capitalist class while disguising that fact with a lot of dishonest plavacting designed to achieve nothing but keeping their own supporters busy.

THIRD TIME AS...

Karl Marx once said that history repeats itself.

the second time as farce. What word would he have used to describe the third time around?

Once we had a mass movement in the North. A burning bus was a barricade separating the masses from the state forces. In later stages the burning buses stood alone, with only the potential threat of IRA attack behind them. In July buses burned with nothing at all behind them.

What we had was high-class vandalism with no political object other than keeping militants busy. For A Workers Republic. Page 2

Early in the struggle we had a mass movement of which the republicans were a component.

Later we had periods of mass mobilisation led by the republican movement. In July we had private demonstrations against the Clegg release organised through Sinn Fein cumnan or branches of Saorse. Orange intimidation was countered not by mass mobilisation but by strictly localised residents associations. Now we have angry voices and marching feet - not to mobilise but to release frustration and build more support for diplomacy.

RETREAT

The volte-face on mass activity was accompanied by political retreat across the board. Sinn Fein was the major force opposed to the visit by Charles Windsor to the 26 counties. It did not publicly lead the campaign which organised around Windors role as honorary leader of the parachute regiment - rather than the substantive issue of the British occupation{supposedly being solved by the “Peace process!.

In the Clegg case the call “one out! - all out!”

represented a total misreading of the situation.

The Clegg release campaign was organised by the British military establishment on the grounds that soldiers in uniform and on duty have a right to kill. Their victory was a serious setback for workers in both Ireland and Britain. The victory of these reactionary forces makes a general release of republican prisoners less likely. Only total opposition to the Clegg release would have strengthened the case for the release of antiimperialist prisoners. Similarly calls for negotiation and compromise over Orange marches make little sense. Republicans and socialists oppose sectarianism. We oppose Orange marches. They are always sectarian no matter where they are held. Calls for compromise leave the way open for the apologists of “Orange culture’. Not only that. calls for compromise leave the way open for ...-well...compromise! A march on Gervahy road with no band. One Orange march down the Ormeau road instead of six. In other words victory for sectarian bigotry.

CHANGED TIMES

These changed times did not go unnoticed on the Ormeau Road. Interned in their own streets by RUC men in riot gear, residents reflected bitterly on the peace process. “Where's John Bruton and John Hume now?” asked one man.

“Where's bloody Gerry Adams?”. replied another. The Republican leadership had its reward.

Cardinal Daly issued a strong statement about the Clegg release. adding. “this is not the time to criticise Sinn Fein’. Later the full nationalist family: Bruton. Spring. Hume and Adams gathered in Dublin and agreed another strong statement. irish history is full of strong statements by frish capitalism. They are followed by Britain demonstrating that it’s in charge and that they are a lot more worried about the reaction of the Orange mob which rests as a solid base for British rule.

They know that strong statements come and go but pigs will fly before a Dublin government turns its back on British capital or encourages For A Workers Republic. Page 3

the forces of revolution in Ireland. So Spring met Mayhew having leaked details of major shifts on prisoners and talks and was sent home with his tail between his legs. So much for the nationalist familv!

OPPORTUNITY LOST

What word other than tragedy can describe the situation? The British openly insult the vast majority of the Irish people. The opportunities are there for at least the beginning of mass mobilisation. Many sectors. especially the leaderships of the workers movement. no longer have the excuse of the armed struggle to duck issues of democratic rights and sectarianism.

Demands on Dublin and the SDLP to break off negotiation with the British would have left Irish capitalism exposed. Instead we get playacting, a major opportunity thrown away - in return for disapproving statements from the nationalist family! The rationale for the present republican strategy is a weird mixture of reformism and militarism. Alongside a belief that Irish capitalism can deliver. that Britain can play a progressive role. that Orange bigots can see the light. is a belief that “we can always go back” [to the armed struggle]. This ignores the fact that the “peace process” was adopted in the face of the decay of the armed struggle and its clear inability to deliver a defeat of the British. I[t ignores the fact that the republican leadership will find it difficult to extricate itself from the embraces of the nationalist family. That even if they did so they would have to turn their back on their erstwhile partners only to find a dagger firmly embedded there. It ignores the fact that the republican leadership have already demolished part of their support apparatus. [In the US NORAID is replaced by “Friends of Sinn Fein” and in Britain the Irish Post is leading a new federation that wipes out the traditional programme of the Troops Out Movement. Finally it ignores the fact that unless the British are very stupid the republican movement would emerge weaker and armed struggle would be an even less credible strategy than it has been in the past.

NEW REALISM

The probiem is that the majority of republican militants are completely disorientated by the peace process and are oscillating between two failed strategies. While they do sothe British are posing a fundamental question to us all. Has mass political resistance to imperialism been defeated? The British need to know because their peace process cannot survive without that defeat. Their recent announcement that the RUC is to stay at full strength for the indefinite future shows that they have no illusions about the sort of peace they can deliver.

On the evidence of this summer the answer is that resistance isn't dead - but it’s being slowly strangled by the dishonest “new realism” of the republican leadership. The British will deliver plenty more kicks in the teeth - plenty more opportunities to build mass and class action. What's at issue is building an independent organisation of the working class that has the authority to demand that republicans break decisively from alliances with Irish capitalism.

JOIN THE ICMP!

Furtner Information: PO Box AO Belfast 36 Clanawley Rd, Dublin For A Workers Republic. Page 4

THE NEW UNIONISM

SLAYING THE

SECTARIAN DRAGON

At the end of June the Bellast untonist aewspaper, the Newsletter arranged a public debate on the theme of “visions of the Unton™ . Participants were invited to put forward thetr tdea of a union which was non-sectanan {although there were boos when one speuker suggested that there had been sectarianism in the past.| Around the same time a group of unionist academics published a book called: The idea of the Union” which was supposed to offer the same vision of an non-sectarian union.

What is commen to both , and is in line with a lot of postceasclire chatter. 1s an approach to the subject which ignores the past and present realities in favour of an idealist construct which does not, cannot and never will exist. The replacement oi a concrete reality by an imagined one was not able to stand the first test of the marching season. Real world unionism was put oul for display on the Ormeau and Garvaghy roads. Wishing away the realities of unionism is not just confined to the liberals. Militant Labour seem capable of convineing their supporters that the political voice of the UVF personified in Billy Hutchinson represents a possible partner in the creation of a mass socialist party. Fora socialist group to invite the Progressive Unionist Party onto a platform to discuss the socialist way forward is much more than a tactical error, it 1s quite simply a disgrace and an insult to all those Protestants who have rejected loyalist terror for the past 25 years.

THE MANTLE OF SOCIALISM

The elevation of the PUP led to a series of exchanges between the ICMP and Militant Labour {| not a debate - Militant consistenuy fudged the issue and refused debate}.

Finally in desperation they sent a letter to An Phoblacht saying in effect; Why pick on us? Everyone, including the republicans, talks to the Loyalists!

Our answer to this is of course that no-one but Militant has draped loyalism in the mantle of socialism. This was a criminal act which undermines the whole idea of the selforganisation of the working class. We were duty bound to blow the whistle on them.

But Militant do have a point. They and the Communist Party were uble to pander to Loyulism because the republicans legitimised such meetings.

wey Anyone can see that this damages Republicanism. The Brush use the fringe Unionist fronts as a counterbalance to Stun Fern and a way ol denving the legiuumacy ot the Sinn Fein cicctoral mandate.

In the longer term we should not pander to the pretence that these gangsters represent Protestant workers. They have no clectoral mandate and their role in unionist communities is largely a coercive one. Individual community workers on the Shankill road have spoken out against them.

Protestant workers have demonstrated against their sectarian killings in the workplace. Recently an independent Labour candidate casilv outstripped lovalist candidates in a byelection in Newtownabby. These forces are weak and fragmented und have not broken trom unionism, but we should not betray them by pandering to the far-nght forces they oppose.

PEACE PROCESS

So why have the republicans offered this legitimation?

The answer is very simple - the peace process. If Bruton.

Hume and Clinton are the frends of the Irish people. if Bniain nas no selfish or strategic interest and can act as a persuader then why not shake hands across the barncades with the new representauves of “working-class” unionism? But the last step 1s a step loo far. [n the dreamuume we may be able to believe that Bill Clinton will tuck us up in bed or that Jonn Major will speak sharply to the Unionists but the Lovalists. despite clocuuion lessons for some of their leaders, are too clearly what they have always been.

The Lovalist litmus test tells us that what we are sceing Is not some clever new strategy but the political collapse of the republican programme.

NEW UNTIONISM

So what does the “New Unionism amount to?

For A Workers Republic. Page 5

Apologists dressing up an idealist unionism whiie shutting their eyes to reality. The UDA and UVF trying on working class clothes while searching fora base. Class tensions have existed throughout the history of Untontsm - but the first step to socialism is to repudiate seclananism. This break with unionism has happencd only rarcly and never occurred from the far mght.

The framework documentand the wholc impenal!stscheme lor “reconciling the two traditions” and “parity of esteem”.

in reality lncy Know 1L1s Impossible to reconcile the mght lo discnminate and the mgt lo resist- in lack itis becoming anew Wal uf siauny ine uMlonist yew.

Sens wee be terece! -0. off... : yest f 220 OSES ue f seee f Ane Anica CaP OU cn vpu ublicaii Rrovuetr Va urmmrerucrs warert rey uy aiism all twain. some Protestant workers oppressed by imperialism but so Steeped in seclananism that they can only lash out at fellow overa twill conlinuc toenist. expressing tie tage of workers. Irrational and vicious, 1! will oreantse as long as nationalist workers refuse to submit to a sectaman state.

The new “non-sectunun” unionists will find themselves unabic in the future, as they have in the past, ic jind any practical expression to thal non-seclananism. Cnabie to de-sectananise tne state, they will Diame navonalsts ror nut suomituny. Tne paranuitunes Will scraobie arcund in itic ue KCI ere Class Pattidies us iitid ail wiciiitis rarer Mout in: cael reverse) roeerartetorraraerrcex TSR i S070 viet ererecerremtw, axe sete St tcp - VWlikan thes Derus sari tram thar tpi aawne Cae SLD discard weawaas taaw ee aa Otiiom ta thairc ceinia oe sect: tee im yesyt Srl tl SA Le Sleep es

WORKING CLASS

The 'myedy ts that in their heart of hearts neither renublicans nor the “gas and water” socialists helieve that they can win Protestant workers to their cause. Thev are correct.

Netther the nationalist family or assurances that partition in not the real struggle are likely to break workers from unionism. The rouic is through the mass of the [rsh class as a whote; building an unremitting class yrepuditcan “iriends” tke Sruton and Aheme.

hal parudud is a demecraue qucsuon imat ie won nvix Cia» (HUNT Lae ae atid Cat SOC LEENA TG Bit WTTPacee ake : tae Wiki par tid GTi UIC GEV iSiGTL Gt ition Wei ACTS.

Tne Polit tiCS OF REevoiution August 23-28 Aberystwyth Summer School further details from our contact address Unable to deal with the loyalist dragon, republicans and the soft left pretend that it died quietiy last week. We know the dragon is not dead and that one of the key tasks in building a real working class alternative is in fighting to slay the dragon. 4 (RL SS ES | AI LIN OE SG A LS TA LSS 1 A IL 6) SC AS NE, CIO I A Lh HA A i 5 NAA 5 LB AON A | hk 8 A 188 a A LA A A | A AC, NE _s NS For A Workers Republic. Page 6

BOSNIA FEATURE

Questions and Answers on Bosnia. A near hoiocaust is raging in Bosnia. Mass killings, organised rape, etnnic cleansing all happening in a country only three hours flight away. Yet the horrors are greeted with apatny and mndtiiierence. No mass European solidarity movement has been created.

Experts and opinion formers argue that the absence of a mass solidarity movement with Bosnia is a good thing indicating an appreciation for the complexity of the conflict in the region. Below we challenge this orthodoxy by arguing that the political rights ane wrongs are ciear cut and the solution stirring us in the face.

Q. Why should we worry? It’s iust foreigners fighting over no particular point of principle.

A. Troisky once said: “You may not be interested in the war, but the war is interested in you”. The war in Bosnia is inspired by great Serbian nationalism. Such far night nafiucai forces around tne: World, rhea isa testing sional A big victory fr resin site tacties in sci n WW ould certain act asa mode! to other reacuonary movements and open up a penod of nght wing reaction on a much grander scale. Now is the ume lo tight the developing trend.

Q. Aren’t the causes of the war toc compiex to unscrambie? A. Noiatali P he old Y ugoslavia Was an associauon ot national Repubiles with the right te secession guaranteed in tne Federal consutuuion. The nco-suiinist Sedalia in SCBia sci ait vii ibe MINA Tiy Hie Maiiertiai ates oi the ae TD wens fe ~ tbeve ce bees nee cee ck owed RCDUTUCS GHG Lis Cy Whe pics Oncu ific t uo G. Arent the Serbs the former Yugoslavia? fighting fo preserve socialism in A. Absolutely not. The Milosevic regime is a decaying Stalinist dictatorship dedicated to integraung Serbia in to the capitalist world market. The Icadership stoked up the already existing nationalism for the purpose of staying in power. Great Serb nationalism and the expansionist programme has got no connection with socialism. Al! tne regimes arising oul oi ine jormer Yugosiavia are pro-capi alisi.

Q. Sureiy the best thing to do is to pressure the UN to impose a settlement? A. The UN Is not an instrument dedicated Lo peace and justice. lt 1s mostly a mechanism Jor rubber stamping thie collective interests of the impenalists powers.

The tact that Bosnia was lor so long beyond the reach ol capitalism means that there has been no single impenaiist powcr lo take charge. All the great powers have ditlering longer term interests. Britain and France have taken the lead 1 in ee a common oe on behal! ot the © uN.

support this bur ins to. dew elanthe - this checks Serbian expansion without any policy of defending the democratic nghts of The US and Germany s awn base tn Croatia minontcs. Multi-cthnic Bosnia is to be squcezcd in the middic. The firmest UN policy tw Gaic has been to Impose an arms blockade on the chic! vicums of the conllict. Stratcgicaliy the UN 1s using lorcee to prevent the Bosnians dcienuing (hemsei ves and prov iding icu and Dunudayges for tiie clinically Clvutiacd. ie UN Gis fui Ww ish iG bee a wvhiat th: yee eh SOMAGRLEEE Pfast Serbs isp of: that they have alrea dy stolen Q. Butisn't the UN getting tough following the London conference? A Ne. The London comterence rsanother gathering of the lor. ee new UN usaatieied military acuivilics seit be munimalist in purpose. They will aim at shaping and pig serbian oe eae rather than thwarting them.

Serbia NaHS Witt TOSPe tid ia te UN FT Oy LCULLp ad rarils aWiichine their muin efforts ie other KON eHues in : rns eee Rosnia The EIN fs perfecths amare that the Serhs arc capable of varving their targets for the sake of coe es assuaging the westem media. [n this sense the relauonship between the UN and the Serbs is a ntual game of collusion.

There 1s no possibility ol the UN rescuing Bosmia Irom destruchion and dismemberment.

Q. Wouldn’t arming the Bosnians simply increase the slaughter? For A Workers Republic. Page 7

A. We have long argued that the war could have been ended much earlier. The Serbian ardour for warts inspired by the knowledge that they are fighting a poorly armed Bosnian army. Appraised in numbers the Bosnian army is the bigger. The determining factor favouring a serbian victory ts down to the fact that they have the use of about 300 tanks and 500 heavy artillery pieces commandeered from the Serb controlled federal army. This imbalance in arms makes lor a serbian willingness to continue with the greater serbian project. Only when the Serbs begin to taste the bitter flavour of defeat will peace be a genuine possibility again. The key then isa lifting of the arms embargo.

Q. Wouldn't a better armed Bosnian army turn to ethnic cleansing on the same scale as the serbians therefore making a mockery out of lifting the arms embargo.

9 A This presupposes that the war is a civil war which it is not. The Bosnian army is not a Muslim army it contains many thousands of non Muslim Bosnians including many ethnic Serbs. Bosnian independence is supported by the serbian and Croatian councils. Even if the Muslims decided to depart from the multi ethnic ideal they would sull have a powertul selfish interest in refraining from cthnic cleansing. Any large scale attacks on4he non Muslim population would lead to a full scale intervention by the serbian army proper something that the Bosnian forces could not even hope to {ight against. The strategic interests of the Bosnian Muslims includes adopting a multi -ethnic political way forward. The lifting of the’arms embargo is nota recipe for more atrocities in Bosnia but the only way of bringing them to a close, Q What are the central political principles at stake in the crisis in Bosnia? A. The most immediate political task is for socialists to stand up and defend the nght of national self determination when that has been freely adopted by the large majonty in Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia. The only way to prevent such choices is to use massive force as the serbian nationalists have attempted to do. After that we should struggle hard for the recognition of minority nghts and argue for workers unity across all national, religious and cultural boundanes. We should support the idea of a socialist fedcration for Yugoslavia but argue that itcan only come from a recomposition of the worker’s movement. Defeating greater Serb chauvanism is the Ist strp to making this possible. The lessons for lreland Three foreign ministers have handled Insh policy relating to the cnsis over Bosnia; Collins, Andrews and Spnng.

All three have adhered rigidly to the decisions taken by the EU and the UN. A major shift is being prepared by the political establishment in Ireland which 1s aimed at binding Irish foreign policy with the EU. The traditional Irish position of retaining an independent role in intemational affairs is to be eradicated in favour of a subservient function as part of an EU impenulist bloc. The prevailing Insh policy on Bosnia is part of an Insh government plan to prove to the great European powers that Ircland can be trusted in the future to be a loyal member of the EU foreign policy club. When the Unprofor mission was scl in motion the Insh government loyally endorsed it and supported the imposiion of the arms embargo. The only reason Insh troops are not in Bosnia helping the big powers oversee the dismemberment of the country is due to the fact that when asked For A Workers Republic. Page 8

to contribute the [rish government was willing but not able to meet the request because of overstretch in the Lebanon, two dozen Garda were sent as consolation.

Bosnia has been a major victory for a british foreign policy of appeasement to Serbia. All the mayor partics in the 26 countics have slavishly supported the Brush linc.

Working people should demand that the Insh Government break from this impenalist bloc and support the nght ol the Bosnian people to self defence.

Little socialist sollidarity with Bosnia: The crisis in Bosnia has brought the worst tendencies out of many individuals and groups from the socialist left.

One strain is best epitomised by individuals like Tony Bennand groups like those publishing the journal Living Marxism. These people all place the responsibility tor the War on secondary influences. They find a conspiracy of interest directed mainiy from Germany to see the breakup of Yugoslavia in the interest of the West. We reject this analysis and put the blame for the breakdown of Y ugosla- Via with its intemal political struggles. [twas the centralising tendencies of the Milosevic faction in the name of a greater role for Serbia within the federation that unleashed the dynamic towards breakdown. The evidence ts clear cnough to show that the Milosevic regime is guilty of ynsonng acts of unbndled aggression against the other “Managing Change”

FROM SOCIAL

PARTNERS TO

SOCIAL POLICE

This summer's Tralee conference, under the utle “Managing Change” marked a new turch to the nght towards company unionism and redelining [CTU as an adjunct of management. The policy, outlined by outgoing President Phil Flynn.

contained an explicit endorsement of the new capitalist strategies of “lean production”, “human resource management” and worker “participation”.

His onc complaint was that the new policy was too individualistic and concentrated too much on the individual worker - the message to the bosses was that there was no need to bypass [CTU - they could play their part in speeding up the workforce.

national republics;war was started in Bosnia betore the reterendum on independence had cven taken placc.

Other lett groups like the Socialist Workers current spread the false tdea that all parties involved are equally to blame for the war in Bosnia and the Bosnian struggle has got nothing to do with democratic nghts. The Bosnian defence force is nota multi-ethnic one but a Muslim militia hei!

bent on setting up an [slamic Republic. The Socialist Workers current warms all its members to stay well clear of discussing the issue with anvone who takes a different view. The party that set up the anti Nazis Ilcague in Ireland to alert people tothe fact that extreme nght movements are growing again and must be opposed has been unable to identity the Chetnik gangs at work in Bosnia as part of the new fascist threat. There has been no anti fascist acuvity taken up by the SWP tn Britain or ireland reluuuing to Bosnia, maverick university dons are the real danger and concem when it comes to a light against the new mght. it is time for ordinary members of the SWP came out of the closet and asked their leadership to change their position on Bosnia. Atthe very least they could stop referring to the Bosnian side as the Muslims in their party press.

Some left groups like Militant have argued that it is too difficult to adjudicate the competing national ciaims in the region. Milttant end up tn the position of the SWP praying for a spontaneous outbreak of workers unity to md the felt of the burden of having to take a stand when economism fails to show the way. In truth when the bosses are in open strife with the workers these left groups arrive on the scene claiming to have all the answers but when political life ts not so simple all they can do ts opt-out or murmur psalms to Workers unity as the vicuims of oppression are led away.

Amongst all the praise of modernisation there was no mention of the new levels of exploitation recorded by lean production. Experts boast that workers are on task for 57 seconds in every minute! You might expect some working class opposition to these new levels of exploitation. Flynn and company have the answer - compulsory arbitration and aggregate voting.

ICTU will join with management in erecting new barners to industrial action and by attempting to swamp the votes ol militant workers in more gencral votes to prevent advanced lavers ol skilled workers from taking independent action. ICTU are entering the end game ol their policy of social partnership the degradation into company unionism where the real nature of the partnership becomes crystal clear - the bosses tule, the workers obey and increasingly [CTU provide the police force to keep it all on track. For A Workers Republic. Page 9