No More Chains

NO MORE

CHAINS!

Why You Should Oppose the Constitutional Ban on Abortion 4 Ny) SE Ba eS i.

A PEOPLES DEMOCRACY

PAMPHLET

NO MORE CHAINS

WHY YOU SHOULD OPPOSE THE CONSTITUTIONAL BAN ON ABORTION

Contents Introduction: Backlash and Blackmail Reasons To Fight the Amendment The Forces Behind the PLAC A Combination of Crises The Impact of Partition What Kind of Fight-Back? The Single Issue Campaign Why We Go Further -- A Woman's Right to Chouse The Constitutional Crusade Fianna Fail's Record Irish Unity The Changing Views of the Catholic Church on Abortion Lessons for the Future: Why an Independent Women's Movement Is Necessary The Role of Anti-Imperialists in the Anti Amendment Campaign

Introduction: Backlash and Blackmail Barly in 1981 a small group of ultra-Catholic surgeons and Lawyers met the leader of Fine Gael Garret FitzGerald to discuss abortion. FitzGerald agreed that there should be an amendment to DeValera’s 1937 Constitution specifically protecting ‘the right to life of the unborn child’. Soon afterwards the les’er of Fianna F4il Charles Haughey made the same promise. A meeting was_also held with Frank Cluskey, then ieadler of the Labour Party. Conflicting accounts followed this meeting; initially the impression was created that Cluskey had agreed with the proposed amendment. As opposition grew Labour began to deny that it had made any commitment. Over a year later in July 1982 a different. leader Michael O'Leary belatedly joined the growing campaifn to stop the amendment. The efforts of the ‘Pro Life Amendment Campaign‘ (PLAC) huve been crowned with astonishing success for such a short space of time. The Leaders of the two major parties in the South of [reland have moved with unusual speed on the issue while the Labour Party leadership stood nervously aside before taking a stand very late in the day. An outsider could easily be forgiven for believing either that abortion had been legalized against the wishes of the people or that a bif campaign to legalize abortion was well under way.

The debate over abortion has hardly begun. A majority of the population is opposed to the legalization of abortion. The PLAC fear, and the fear is stimulated by the emergence of the Women’s Right to Choose Group over the last 3 years, that if the debate develops people mirht berin to change their minds. They have invented reasons to justify their amend— ment campaign. They claim that the 1661 Offences Agszinst the Person Act might be declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. ~ In our opinion this is a ridiculous supgestion.

We know very well what would happen it @ Succesolul ottempr wan taue CO have the 1861 Act declared unconstitutional. The DAil would owiftly move | to introduce new anti-abortion lerislation in line with the Supreme, t Court ruling. Anti-abortion proups such as the PLAC would be handed a huge tactical advantare. They could justifiably cloim that undemocratic 3 efforts were under way to legalize abortion without tie consent of the population. The anti-abortionists mirht then be able te ensure an ; anti-abortion amendment was inserted into the constitution: If the PLAC are really concerned about the constitutional status of the present law they can take their own case to the Supreme Court, or campaign for the Dail to do likewise. What then are the real reasons for the PLAC campaipn: Whnit are they trying to hide? The answer becomes obvious when we realize that although abortion is illegal, women can still choose it, Since 4967 it has been possible to travel across the Irish Sea to Britain and have a safe legal abortion.

Thousands of Irish women, according to official statistics, have exercise!

this choice. The PLAC amendment, on its own, will not change this situation. It is a thin edge of the wedge. The anti-abortionists hope that a hysterical campaign around the proposed amendment will create favourable conditions Z

for a sustained attack on women's rights. Their first step, if the amendment succeeds, will be to physically restrict women from travelling to Britain and exercising a limited ‘Right to Choose?,.

One PLAC supporter, William Binchy of the Law Reform Commission, argues that a 'pro-life' amendment to the constitution would allow any individual to have a High Court injunction served on a woman suspected of planning a trip to Britain in order to secure an abortion. The woman would be detained like any suspected ‘criminal’ and presumably subjected to pregnancy testing in order to ‘prove’ her innocence. The woman would be kept in custody for the full term of her pregnancy if the test proved ‘positive’. The State would become, literally, a moral policeman, whe PLAC would like to see this happening now. They can't achieve this aim now, and don't usually address themselves to the issue. The reason is easy to find. A Fianna Fail barrister who opposes the PLAC (and is therefore out of step with his party), Adrian Hardiman, brought this issue to light during a discussion on RTE radio.

He pointed out that even before the 1967 legalization of ebortion, thousands of Trish women annually made the journey across the Irish Sea in order to terminate their pregnancies. They had to take the horrifying risks of a ‘backstreet abortion! with minima. legal and sanitary trotection. But during the Second World War travel between Ireland and ingland was much more restricted than usual. Irish women seeking abortions tad to search out the backstreets of Dublin and other cities in their own country instead. During this period the number of women of child-bearing age who died or suffered serious health problems in Ireland because of illegal and therefore unsafe abortions rose dramatically.

ifter the war things \returned to normal’.

Right Wingers frightened by militant feminists 2

Reasons to Fight the Amendment It is always easier to prevent repressive laws being introduced than to fight them once they are on the statute books. A Constitutional ban will be even more difficult to combat and, furthermore, it will pave the way for further repression. For a start passing of the amendment may effect the availability of contraception. Certain methods of contraception which the anti-abortionists consider as abortafacients may be outlawed: for example the Intra-Uterine Device (IUD) and the ‘morning after’ pill.

Then there are the clinics and centres which provide a non-directive counselling service. If women feel that ebortion is the best option they have to take, these centres refer them to safe and inexpensive abortij abortion clinics in Britain. The alternative for Irish women -- it was the only alternative during the Second World War when women's mobility was severely limited -- is backstreet abortions in Ireland in unsafe conditions. What will doctors do when faced with a big increase in the number of women suffering from an incomplete backstreet abortion?

Apart from these practical implications of the amendment, there are the effects it will have on people‘’s attitudes, in particular the 50,000 women who have had abortions since 1967 in Britain. It will sow an atmosphere of guilt and self-loathing.

The many women who have chosen to have abortions have done so in secrecy and fear. Irish hypocvisy -- the lack of facilities for and social degradation of single women with children -- has swept their problem under the carpet of Irish virtue. The amendment will do nothing to help these women, it will degrade ull women because the main attitude towards women in the proposed ban is that ‘the least safe place for children ‘is in their mothers’ womss’ (Arthur Kennedy, Society for the Protection of the Unborn Child (SPUC) . SPUC and the ‘pro-lifers' in general do not recognize that women do see a difference between their pregnancy and the children they have already borne. Around half of the women who go to Britain for abortions «.e murrieu and probably already have children, Women's potential to bear life -- the crucial biological difference between men and women -- and the upbringing women receive endears them to children and the promotion o2 Life in peneral.

However, some women do feel that abortion is not an option they would exercise for themselves -- but they understand the situation in which a friend would have an abortion and will provide all the support to her that the 'pro-lifers* would probably see as ‘assistance to murder’.

And many women know that silthough they might not like abortion, they would feel very different if faced with the options themselves. The men in the "pro life’ campaign hypocritically choose tc avoid these realities. Even if no bills to restrict women are initiated after some ‘pro life’ Amendment is agreed on, the Amendment will legitimise a sniggering, patronising attitude to ali women who travel abroad. Suspicious and nosey questioners will be encouraged to investigate the possibility that the purpose of the woman's journey is to have an abortion. We automatically go on the defensive even if we not accept the basic premise of such an attitude. Weekends in London would then be viewed with suspicion. Women, with tunsafe wombs! would all be potentially guilty. — Ore meee ET LR Ree CA or ot @ HS ee os a Se et

Giver such an attitude, and the fact that the.'pro lifers! want Ireland to be a ‘Beacon of purity’ for the whole world, what kind of restrictions are likely to be proposed? Obviously, it is not enough to enshrine the ‘pro life’ position in the Constitution~- more 1s needed.

It would be possible for people who felt that a woman was travelling abroad to have an abortion to take an injunction against her, stopping her from leaving the country. In the terms of such an Amendment, it would be ‘logical’ to introduce pregnancy testing at airports and boat terminals. How else could one secure the ‘right of life’ of the foetus ? It would also be *logical' to bury the result of a miscarriage and as it would be ‘legally human‘, to give it a proper funeral. It is ; unlikely that the ‘pro lifers’ will go this far. After all, abortions soccur in nature all the time and often all that a woman might notice is that she has had an unusually heavy period.

The Forces Behind PLAC Once abortion was legalised in Britain things could not remain the same. After 1967 there was a freer climate for discussing the issue in Britain. A growing number of Irish women got a chance to come to terms with the experience more openly than before. Sooner or later Ireland was bound to experience a public debate on abortion for the first time this century. The PLAC are determined to prevent a public debate at all costs. They would prefer a world where women are seen but not heard; they want to turn the clock back to the Ireland of the 1920s, 30s and 40s, when the fatholic church consolidated its power. It's easy to see this if you look at the list of organizations affiliated to the PLAC. They are an extremist fringe.of the Catholic church which has ' ~pposed every partiat liberalizing step forward made by women over the jast’2O years. Take for example the Council of Social Concern which eas formed in 1978. Tt has an address at the headquarters of the Knights if Columbanus and acts as an umbrella organization for the following weanizations; the League for Decency, [rish Family League, Soctety to Outlaw Pornography, Christian Political Action Movement, Mna na Hireann, Pro Fide, Concerned Doctors Group, Youth Alert, Veritas Christi lazareth Family Movement and Parent Concern. Most of these groups only Xist in the letters pages of the national papers. Often rightly fepardet. as figures ot fun, their members rush into print at the lightest chance to loudly protest against what they see as a ‘decline n Christian’ Standards’. The Mary Kennedys and TCG O0’Mahoneys of this orld are the -2tore the sorts of people who are the activists in the LAC, Up to now the most public ‘pro lifers’ have been seen as a lunatic ringe. They have often discredited themselves because of the exotic nd bizarre subjects they have chosen to protest about or because of heir twisted and confused allegations. Discussions of sexuality on slevision or radio. incur their wrath and they have refused to allow jeakers at public meetings on contraception and abortion to be heard.

_tother wing of the PLAC is wary of the image projected by the organ- ‘isations grouped in the Council for Social Concern. This wing is tmprised of deeply conservative doctors and lawyers who share most of le views expressed by organisations like ‘the League for Decency, but efer more subtle and less public tactics. ‘hey are quite sophisticated.

y example, one of the PLAC's patrons, the senior evynaecologist Professor an Bonnar believes it would be a mistake if the ViAC was publicly j >

headed by men, “especially senior academic gynaecologists who looked like a stuffy old bunch" ! (Magill July 1982, page 17) The 11 surgeons who are the PLAC patrons and who initiated the campaign therefore welcomed the involvement of an ex nun, Dr, Julia Vaughan, who is the PLAC*’s main spokesperson.

The patrons are especially concerned about the tactics employed by Spuc. SPUC*s film and slide show is particularly controversial. "It is a film of the developing foetus in the womb followed by a happy natural childbirth, which is then followed by several full colour slides on abortion and aborted foetuses at various stages of development". (Magill, July 1982, page 20). SPUC has shown this film in 250 schools to children of 15 years or over who have the permission of their parents. SPUC's PRO Patsy Buckley says that the film proves "that this is not a blob of jel and is not part of a woman's bodv but is really just a lodger for 9 months". (Magill, July 1982, page 20). The patrons are alruid that SPUC*s emotive tactics will damage the PLAC's credibility. This is why SPUC was only invited to affiliate to the campaign alver several other organisations were already members. The alliance is based on SPUC's ability to build a strong network of dedicated activists.

Combination of Crisis AS we nave seen the PLAC leadership is a smal: we i organized froup of .

right wing fanatics. They have witnessed a certain liberalisation of Irish society over the past 20 years and have failed to stop it. They are now euphoric about their unexpected success and make very sweeping Claims about its significance. One PLAC supporter believes the amendment "could turn the tide in the Western World" the tide of ‘'permissiveness’ and ‘moral laxity’. Julia Vaughan thinks * Treland will once again become a beacon in the true sense’ if the amendment succeeds.

This rhetoric is music to the ears of fanatics like Mary Kennedy, Meena | Cribbin and TCG O'Mahony, but it is out of tune with the nervous but steady liberalisation of the past 30 years or so. Is the success of the PLAC only a flash in the pan?:an ugly but temporary reminder of the erim joyless society of the 1920s and 1930s? Or should we attach a broader significance to it? - For years ve have been told that during the 1950s [Ireland stepped out of its troubled and difficult past history and entered the ‘modern’ world.

Industrialization was supposed to be the key unlocking the door to econoini prosperity and greater social freedom. The new heroes of the time were Se4n Lemass and T.K. Whitaker-- the men responsible for encouraging foreign firms to build factories in Ireland, and responsible for ending DeValera's effort to build up native i str ehii 2 ) i of high taritt barriers. Symbolically wef 1entne beiest ana bishop have.

not been made powerless, they have been upstaged by a new expert and symb of authority; the economist. However the wise sounding words of the Martin O'Donoghues and Garret FitzGeralds don't hide the spectacular failure of the Lemass/Whitaker strategy. The changes have been cosmetic.

Beneath the surface the basic problems have deepened and grown; the difficuities of the past are returning in new forms with unexpected and violent force. We can see this if we look at the type of industrialisation which has taken place. Ireland's traditional backwardness in this area has been eepened. The new IDA grant aided industries have been ‘fly by night!

operations like Ferenka in Shannon or Fieldcrest in Kilkenny. “‘hey merely produced components for the export market, mainly the EEC. They i

are links in the chain of a multinational company and Southern Ireland is only a convenient launching pad. These companies do not encourage the growth of spin off or ancillary industries in Ireland because their needs are supplied by other sections of the parent company operating in various parts of the world.

The result has been the annihilation of the limited industrial base tuilt during the period of economic protectionism from the 1930s to the ‘950s. As Free Trade has become more widespread, especially after EEC rembership in 1972, the small southern Irish firms have gone to the wall.

is the recession deepens, and the multi nationals are pulling out, the t‘conomy is paying a heavy price for its continuing failure to build a vasic industrial structure. In other words, Ireland has not recovered ‘rom being economically subordinated to Britain during the 19th century.

fhe South of Ireland, it is true is no longer directly governed as a Ljolony like the North, but it has only achieved formal independence, it Ss a neo colony. ‘The social changes over the past 30 years or so have nly served to intensify the contradictions of an unstable society.

ut these changes cannot be reversed overnight. Many expectations have een created which will either be fulfilled or destroyed. There are no tious solutions and the state finds itself threatened with a combinaion of crises. Yomen have begun to be integrated into the community as members of the wkforce, and no longer accept so easily the paternalistic idea that reir place is in the home. There has been a hard struggle by many men for greater social and personal freedom. The Womens Movement as fought against tough and demoralising barriers in order to legalise mtraception ( a struggle which is still far from finished). A new tticulate lower middle class identifies itself as European and cosmopolim--it seeks at the very least, cosmetic efforts to secularise Irish wiety. nti-~abortionists: fanatical and well organized 7

Simultaneouslv the recession is generating increased economic hardship an: mounting unemployment. There is a political crisis; since June 1981 no government has achieved a stable majority in D&il Eireann. The Dublin administration has been unable to wii any serious concessions from Britain over the North of Ireland, and has been rudely told to mind its own business by Thatcher. There is a great fear of a growing young population which is being denied the chance of basic rights like a job, ‘decent education, housing or a non hazardous social meeting place.

In such situations a moral policeman is an invaluable ally for the ruling class. If huge numbers of oppressed people can be fooled into | believing that social repression is good rather than bad, that the world is full of evil temptations rather than positive hopes, then the danger of a social upheaval against the real causes of misery and inequality can be minimized. ! Historically that has been the chief role of the Catholic hierarchy in f the south of Ireland. In the midst of a deep social and political crisis it is natural that powerful forces using a narrow minded and backward interpretation of the Catnolic religion have suddenly come to prominence.

This phenomenon becomes much easier to explain if we look at an earlier period in this century when the Catholic hierarchy actively helped to turn the clock back and push women into the home.

The Impact of Partition Although the” Northern bishops verbally objected to partition they supportd the new twenty six county Saorstat firennn (Free State) in the South. In practice this was a hypocritical stance: the Free Staters used various arguments to defend their unprincipled deal with the British government and the Unionists. Some like Michael Collins helped organize military activity in the six counties. This was in contradiction with the more consistent public view of the Free State government that unity could only xe won with the ‘consent! of the Unionists -- in other words, a practical acceptance of the Unionist veto.

li ‘nis situation a civil war in the South was inevitable. The bishops suoplemented the British supplied weapons of the Free Staters with sever el belts of the ecclesiastical crozier. Militant republican opponent of par“ition were denounced with Bell, Book and Candle. In return the new ‘Pree State' leaders tacitly deferred to the hierarchy. f 4& social counter-revolution began. New organizations of Catholic laity as the Legion of Mary and the Knights of Coiumbanus were encouraged.

7h scenario was perceptively foreseen by the Marxist revolutionary and trade union reader Jaues Connolly, who was cone of the executed leaders t ef The Easter 1916 Risinp. In 191), as it became obvious that the relirg class was scheming for partition, Connolly wrote: | "Such a scheme 2s that agreed to by Redmond and Devlin*, the betrayal | of the nationa. democracy of industrial Ulster would mean a carnival of /| reaccion buth North and South, would set back the wheels of progress, | would destroy the w:.coming unity of the Irish labour movement and paralyse| all advanced movemerts while ic endured."

(‘Labour and the Freposed Partition of Ireland’ in Ireland Upon the Dissecting Table, Jork Workers! Club Pamphiet, May 1975, p.53) rt - en * John Redmond and dece Deviin were leaders of the Irish Home Rule Party, constituti.na. nationalists who sought limited self-government for Ireland within the framework of the British state. The Home Rulers were routed by Sinn #éin at the 1918 General Election.

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The Civil War that raged in the South of ireland from 1922 to 1923 was won by the pro-Treaty forces led by WT Cosgrave. The new Cumann na nGael governemnt began quickly building a carnival of reaction, invariably this was done at the direct bidding of the hierarchy. Here is a list of socially repressive legislation passed by the Dail during the 1920s: 1923: The Censorship of Films Act; the Censor was authorised to cut or refuse a license to films which, in his opinion, were ‘subversive of public morality’. 1924: The Intoxicating Liquor Act; hours of opening for public houses were reduced. The bishops saw this as a means of cutting down people's social freedom. It was much easier to maintain ‘moral standards! if social meeting places were mostly under the direct control o.1 the clergy, | Since the bish ps were unable to break into the publicans’ trade their answer was to cut down hours as much as possible!

1925: Divorce was made impossible; WT Cosgrave said ‘the whole fabric of our social organization is based on the sanctity of tne marriage bond and that anything that tends to weaken the efficiency of that bond to that extent strikes at the root of our social life’.

It was decided that a divorce could only be obtained through an Act of the Oireachtas, Since this was dominated by Cosgrave's party a successful attempt to get a divorce was obviously impossible, 1927: A new Intoxicating Liquor Act made provision for reducing the Snumber of pubs. 1929: The Censorship of Publications Act; A board was established to implement this Act in 1930. It comprised one Protestant, three Catholic laymen, and a Catholic priest who was appointed chairperson. This board had the p..wer to prevent the sale and distribution of any book or periodical it considered obscene. Furthermore, the selling, publication, or distribution of literature advocating birth control was made an offence. The method which the government usually used to get the hierarchy's g views onto the statute book was to set up a committee or hold a confer-~ rence, The hierarchy, or lay Catholic societies approved by the hierarchy, «would then present their views, Recommendations would emerge _and legis-~ lation swiftly followed. For example the 1929 Censorship of Publications Te gag owes the published report of the Committee on Evil Literature in 27. ; At the same time the hierarchy strained every nerve to crack down on any effort by the people to enjoy themselves, Denunciations from the pulpit which today are justifiably ridiculed at that time had an ominous ring. A joint pastoral issued by the bishops in 1927 Sives us a typical eexample of their killjoy, anti-life, mentality: "The evil one is setting his snares for unwary feet. At the moment, his _.traps for the innocent are chiefly the dance-hall, the bad book, the indecent paper, the motion picture, the immodest fashion in female dress -~ all of which tend to destroy the virtues characteristic of our race," (JH byte, Church and State in Modern Ireland 1923-1970, Dublin, 1971, p.27). a All over the country the priests campaigned against crossroads dancing.

The playwright bryan MacMahon recalled his own experiences of this 4 2

during the 1920s and 1930s: "Wooden roadside platforms were set on fire by the curates; surer still, the curates drove their motor cars backward and forward over the timber platforms; concertinas were sent flying into hil? streams, and those who played music at dances were branded as outcasts" (Church and State, p.28; Readers unfamiliar with the Catholic church may be interested to know that ‘curate is another word for ‘priest!). In 1931 there was a campaign to stop paying Land Annuities to the British government. These payments were in return for grants given to tenants enabling them to buy out the landlords. The Bishops lent the government a hand and played a leading role in a Réd Scare against the agitation.

Nevertheless they did not fool the people. The Cumann na nGael government became deeply discredited for its subservience to the interests of the British state; the Land Annuities agitation contributed very strongly to the rout of Cumann na nGael in the 192°? General Election.

Fianna FSil -- a party formed in 1926 as a result of a split among the anti-treaty Republicans over the tactic of enterinp the D4il -- formed a government under the leadership of famonn DeValera for the first time.

They remained in office until 198. Due to the Civil War it was inevitable that a certain degree of mistrust existed between DeValera‘s party and the hierarchy. However by that time Fianna PAil were well travelled down the road of preserving partition, They had absolutely no intention of taking on the hierarchy; indeed when they were in opposition before 1932 they had on a few occasions tried to show they were even more Catholic in their social views than Cumann na nGael.

The anti-social Jerislation continued to pass throurh the DAil. Women were a special target. In 1):/; married women were barred from becoming teachers. In 1935 the sale and importation of contraceptives was made illegal. In 1936 the Conditions of Empluyment Act restricted female employment in other areas. The 1937 Constitution prohibited divorce, contained several deferential references to the Catholic church, and included clauses firmly stating the view that a woman's place is in the home, In 1938 the remaining women teachers were torced to retire four years earlier than their male colleagues. As far as women were concerned the povernment's only entry on the credit side was a pension scheme for widows and urphans.

Cumann na nGael‘s attitude was even more regressive than Fianna Fail's.

After its shattering 719322 defeat Cumann na nGael made an alliance with the fascist Blueshirts, an organization modelled on M.issolini's Blackshirts and Hitler’s RBrownshirts. Fascism did not) succeed in ° Ireland; the Riueshirts disintegrated due to a combination of armed TRA resistance followed by government repression. Cumann na nGael then settled into a stagnant phase under a new name, fine Gael. it was an isolated right wing party with a narrow electoral base, It tried to survive by toeing the hierarchy's line to the ietter. The party condemned DeValera'ts 1937 Constitution for not going far enough in enshrining the views of the Catholic hierarchy. This was illuminated in the debate over Article hh.

This article was repealed in the 1970's, Tt recognized the ‘special position’ of the Catholic Church because most citizens belonged to this religious denomination. The minority relipfions were also ‘reco;, nized'. DeVslera was afraid of criticism from the extreme Catholic right, and that he might incur the displeasure of the hierarchy. This fear was well Prounded. It seems likely that neither Fape Pius XI or the primate Cardinal MacRory were happy with the text (See Church and State, p.56). Tt is certain that the bishons woul! have been mich happier with the 1

‘proposals coming from Fine Gael. Cosgrave's party wanted the Catholic Church recognized as ‘the one true church! and to have the minority religions merely ‘tolerated! rather than ‘recognized’. According to TP O'Neill, DeValera's biographer, a leading Fine Gael campaigner on this issue was Desmond FitzGerald, father of the present Fine Gael leader Garret FitzGerald!

Fianna FAil's clericalism is sometimes ascribed to their policy of economic protectionism, directed by Sefn Lemass. This is supposed to have stimulated 'Catholic Nationalism', This fails to take account , of what happened in the 1920's under Cumann na nGael, a free trade government. Most of the anti-social legislation was pushed through in this earlier period, The party responsible for this then lurched towards fascism, and afterwards stood unambiguously to the right of , Fianna Fail. Secondly social conservatism was a contemporary international phenomenon, All over Europe the right was on the offensive, Fascist governments took control of Italy and Germany. The left was disarmed by the Stalinist degeneration of the Soviet revolution; ‘socialism in one country' replaced the early policy of Lenin and Trotsky to extend the socialist revolution abroad in order to break the Soviet Union's international isolation. Fightbacks which occurred, such as the Spanish Civil War in 1935, or the struggles against unemployment in Belfast from 1932 to 1935, became gallant rearguard actions, Further confirmation of this analysis is provided by the way clericaliam began to decline in the 1940's, After their flirtation with fascism Fine “%ael adopted a diluted version of the same doctrine called vocationalism. This was respectable in Ireland because Pope Pius XI, influenced by Mussolini, sponsored this theory as the social doctrine of the Church. Fine Gael enthusiastically clamoured for this to be made government policy. DeValera made two empty gestures in their direction. First of all he included a provision in the 1937 Constitution for the election of Seanad fireann (the Senate) composed of people standing in different ‘vocational!’ panels. This. was a second chamber of the Oireachtas subordinate to the Dail. Although bodies such as medical associations, the legal profession, chambers of commerce and the trade unions had the right to nominate candidates, sonly iocal government councillors, TD's, and ex Senators had the right to vote in the elections for the 4.3 seats in the ‘vocational’ panels!

Dominance of the party politicians was ensured in two other ways: TD's and ex-Senators were given power to nominate Seanad candidates and “the Taoiseach could appoint eleven senators. The remaining six senators were elected by university graduates.

DeValera's second manoeuvre was the establishnent of a connission on vgcationalism in 1939, It was deliberately overloaded with 25 members ensuring its work would be slow. People with widely divergent views were appointed and the chairperson was Bishop Browne of Galway.

In 19i,, as European Fascism was obviously being defeated, the governnent contemptuously disnissed the commission's report; Sean Lemass, the potster for Industry and Comnerce, described it as a ‘slovenly osunent', The thaw continued: in 1946 the notorious literary censorship was relaxed. The Cold War launched by the USA against the Soviet Union in the late 1940s and early 1950s revived right wing currents all over the world, Ireland was no exception. In 1951 a joint campaign by the bishops

and the Irish Medical Associati.n (IMA) succeeding in killing Noel Browne's Mother and Cnild Scheme. Tne Fine Gael dominated Inter-Party governnent capitulated and Browne resigned his ministerial p st.

Tne objections centred on pr visions for free health care and education; it was felt that this could mean ante-natal Clinics where women could learn about birth coatrol or abortion.

Since then there has been a slow and uneven movement away fron socially repressive legislati mn. Restrictions on bosk ani film censorship, dance halls, pubs, contraception, divorce, adoption, illegitimacy.

and so on have gradually eased. In addition, since the 1970s, wumen have begun to find their feet throush the development of the ‘ Women's Movement. \ What Kind of Fight-Back? 2 For the past 2 to 3 years the radical wing of the wonen’s movement has been demobilized, Radical wonen wh. have remained active have become involved in struggle more generally. firhting for the H-Block/ Armagh prisoners, in the trade unions and in loenl commanities.

Conservative women committed to furthering their own political careers have set themselves up to speak as if they represent the mass of women.

At the same time they are not involved in any strupyle or activities on behalf of women, A typical example is Fine Gael TD for Wicklow Gemna Hussey: during the June 1931 General Election campaign she ran large advertisnents in lozal newspapers explaining’ how stronprly sne supported the PLAC! The liberal trend of recent times may be with as but the organizational strength of our opponents is azainst us. The Knisehts . f Colunbanus are the prime movers behind the PLAC, They are a secret orpanizati.n of rich lay Catholic businessmen. They have achievei their riginal aim vf replacing the Masonic Order. Taney are an undemocratic organization asserting their ‘right’! t. dictate the sexual mores of poorer women, The Knights’ birth coincides with the foundine of the Southern state, StHdoee<ctwn swe Churcen and State: an unholy allisnce ayainsl democratic rights Ve

Like the numerous lay Catholic organizations which 'flcwered! in the 1920s they are the rotten fruit of partition. Over the decades they have becone, in practice, Southern Unionists. Tney are part of an influential far-right wing current of Catholic opinion which supports partition, and the desirability of using religious bigotry to buttress the status quo. Their members are strategically placed at the highest levels of Irish society. For example it is widely believed that every Director General cf the State Broadcasting Service Radio Teleffs Eireann (RT) has been a Knight. Se4n Lemass, who in the 1920s opposed Cumann na noael's _ introduction of literary censorship, in the 1960s was a Fiann: Fail taoiseach and a Knight of Columbanus.

But the PLAC have run into some difficulties. The Anti-Anendment , Campaign (AAC) has mobilised the entire 26 County left, some prominent Northern individuals, the bulk of the women's movement, and a section of the republican movement. The Protestant churches have unanimously opposed the PLAC, which exposes the naked sectarianism of the proposed amendment. It is known that the government has run into serious difficulties with the wording of the amendment.

For example, they do not want the 'right to life' to prevent capital punishment. The politicians are wary of provoking a conflict by prosecuting women wishing to travel abroad for an abortion. They know what the result would be: backstreet abortions in Ireland.

Suggestions have appeared in the media, which are probably government inspire?, that the issue may be referred to an Oireachtas committee.

The Single Issue Campaign We must bear in mind that the small pressure groups behind the PLA?

were capable, while legislation on contraception was being debated in the Dail, of writing 12 letters each day to every TD during the c.urse 1,0of the ill-fated 197 Cooney contraception bill.

Our fight must be united, active, and concerted. We endorse the structure of the AAC: it is based on a single issue; the campaign is open to all those who wish to stop the amendment. Inside such a broad .group there will obviously be differences ~- these must be openly discussed but should not becone an obstacle in the way of united activity undertaken by the entire anti-anendment campaign. Similarly, at meetings Sponsored by the campaign, individuals nay lay stress on why they specif- #cally oppose the amendment. But we must always respect the unity of the campaign platform. The motto must be: Democracy in Discussion but Unity in Action. In this way the broadest possible campaign can be built which will reach and convince the largest possible number of people.

A very good example ¢f such a campaign was the Anti War Movement in the USA. It is now generally acknowledged that this m.vement played a key role in defeating the USA war against the Vietnamese people.

Yet participants in the campaing ranged fron those who supported the Vietnanese National Liberation Front (NLF) and wished them victory, to those who believed the Vietnamese people were killing each other -therefore ‘American boys' should not be endangering their own lives.

The whole campaign was united in the view that US soldiers had to be taken out of Vietnan. A majority of the US public eventually agreed with the aim of the Anti War Movement.

A similar example from Ireland in the recent past was the campaign run 13

VACUUM SUCTION (D & E)

Performed up to 12 weeks Most common method of abortion between 7 and 12 weeks. National Health Service—admitted to hospital for two days. Private Clinic— 24 hours Some Out Patient Clinics run by the Pregnancy Advisory Service and British Pregnancy Advisory Service. Method— The opening to the womb is tip of a vacurette (Non flexible tube) can be passed into the womb. The other end of the tube is attached to the vacuum suction frees the foetal tissue from the uterine wall and it a small container within the vacuum aspirator. Local or general anaesthetic Performed between 8 and 12 weeks (occasionally 15 weeks).

procedure used for such conditions as infertility, and heavy periods. Some doctors prefer this method to aDand E. Method— Cervix dilated as with suction method. The doctor then uses dilated (opened slowly) until the aspirator (an electric punp). The comes away from the body into

DILATION AND CURETTAGE

(D and C) This is a standard gynaecological persistent menstrual irregularity a curette —a metal loop on the end of a long handle— to loosen the uterine lining, removing the foetal tissue with forceps.

From 12-15 weeks this is the only method in current use.

Local or general anaesthetic.

SALINE INJECTION

Performed 16 to 28 weeks NHS 16 to 20 weeks Private clinics.

Not 4 common method. Method— This is an induced miscarriage.

An abortion causing solution is injected into the amniotic sac (the bag of waters that the foetus is surrounded by).

Several hours later contractions cause the cervix to dilate and the foetus and placenta are expelled.

Recently prostaglandin has been used instead of the saline solution. This is a contractioncausing hormone like substance found in most body tissue and which is produced by the body at the time of full term labour and delivery. HYSTEROTOMY (Mini Caesarian) Can be done trom 10 weeks onwards although it is usually done after 16 weeks. Method. - The foetus is removed through a small abdominal incision, usually below the pubic hairline.

‘Tis incinod is used in only 1%.

of cases. It has the highest risk and mortality rate of all abortion methods. It can limit women to caesarian births

VACUUM SUCTION ABORTION

by the National H-Block/Armagh Committee, People of widely ranging views were united by their support for the prisoners! five demands, The anti- anendment campaign has started off well because it is non-exclusive, But this is not envagh, It is important now to look at ditferent groups in our society and see how they can be involved -for exanple, trade unionists. Also we should be sensitive to the most effective way people may choose to use their time: for exanple older people may prefer door to door canvassing rather than mass demonstrations.

It is important that anyone who feels unhappy about the PLAC should feel there is a place for them in the effort to secure a NO majority.

Why We Go Further — A Woman’s Right to Choose Many analyses co-exist within tne AAC. PD's analysis is founded on two basic elements: Partition is a Carnival of Reaction: We Must Campaign for the Separation of Ghurch and State inside a 32 County Workers! Republic 1. 1, Partition and the Separation of Cnureh and State Women are more oppressed in Ireland than anywhere else in Europe, Even in Greece, which is marginally poorer than Ireland, divorce is legal.

There is no other country in Europe where access to contraception is so limited. The prohibition against abortion here is absolute; even the two cases of abortion allowed by the Catholic church .

(ectopic pregnancy and uterine cancer) are illegal, although hospitals do allow these procedures, Wonen in the Six Counties have much in common with their sisters in the South; they have not snared in the gains won by the women's movement in Britain, Despite the 1967 Abortion Act, abortion is almost ‘impossible to obtain in the North and the strength of the Protestant and Catholic churches prevents women from taking hold of the limited right they do have. Women are often ignorant (because of upbringing and the lack of dissemination of information on sexual matters) of the limited services which do exist.

Why is Ireland so far behind the rest of Europe? After all, we are members of the European Economic Community (EEC)! The EEC nas not brought in the benefits that many feminists hoped for. Tne highest level of rights for women in most EEC member states have been won on the basis of long hard fights by the women's movement and the trade union movement and large social democratic or communist parties in ‘secularized societies. Despite the EEC, we have more in common with oppressed women in tunderdeveloped! countries such as Mexico and India. These similarities play a crucial role in the daily lives of most Irish women but because of the large gaps between the lives of working class women -- tied to their homes in tnew towns’ like Tallaght in County Dublin or in rural 16

areas -- and edisated women with niddle class jobs or educatio1 or experience, many feminists and middle class wonea are able to exerelss choices in a limited sense which are not available to the mass of Irish women. It is clear from this that Irelani is qualitatively Jit the nation states of Western Burope with wnicn we ave been Sncourazed to identify. This difference is based on our continuins history, on the continuing effects of colonialism. Britain's domination retards our economic and social development -- [reland is Britain‘s oldest colony. To date the South is only formally independeat -- that is why we call it a n30-colony. The North is a colony forcibly retained inside the so-called ‘United Kingdom’ by British troops, Unless we recognis= the full ramifications of this history, we will fall into the trap of believing that Ireland's backwardness is caused by some sort of racial fault in the Trish people. That explains why the ‘Paddy Joke’ is encouraged by the British establishment: the biggest fools of all are the Irish people who are conned by this sort of racism. Raising the demand for the Separation of Church and State, North, and South, weakens the political stability of the partition settlement: both states are dependent on the conservatising influence of church interference in political and social life. Campaigning tor a secular society paves the way for ending the carnival of reactio.

caused by partition. Practice their. Religion. PD oe latned how “ERE WoOPRS out in praD ast ice wien Pope John Paul II visited Ireland in September 1979: Sotialist Republic (Vol.2 No.5) carried an editorial explaining: "We view the practice of religion as a basic democratic right. It should be unnecessary for socialists to nake such elementary points.

Unfortunately the name of socialism and Marxisn 14s becone idantified with the Stalinist suppression 3f demosratic rights in Fastern Eurone; this has included discrimination arainst people adnerinz to various charches and anti-religious bigotry....L.

We support the rignt of Irish Catholics to invite the head of their cnurch to this sonatry and we oppose any attempts to bar nim from visiting any part of Treland. The medieval frenzy with wnich Paisley and the so-called ‘moderate* Protestant church lesders greeted the news that the Pope miant visit the six counties is a very cleav reminder to us all just how mach these people really value their macsh-vaunted ‘religious and civil liberty" Tae Pope's decision to avoid visiting the six counties was political: he followed the long-standing tradition of tne Catholic church suthorities: he sided with the sonservative establishment in Treland.

The Pope attacked wonen'ts rights. His strictures avainst contraception, ‘divorce, abortion and sexual enjoyment could have been taken from an Irish bishop's s@rmsn in the 1920s and 1339s. But the clack hiv moved on since then: church vathority n33 eroded steadily. Man, Catholics openly ques stion church control of our education system aad our hospitals 17

The Constitutional Crusade Certain politicians have not been slow to see the grass grow under their feet, Late in 1981 a "Constitutional Crusade! was anounced by Garret FitzGerald. FitzGerald suggested that he was making an effort to separate Church and State, He attempted to equate the aspiration for Irish unity with backward Catholicism. It is significant that he has been much more explicit about his wish to drop Articles 2 and 3 -- which spell out the desire for Irish Unity -- than _he has been about secularizing Irish society. Action speaks louder than words -- Fine Gael have failed to give us details of the concrete measures they would take to separate Church and State. On divorce for example FitzGerald has timidly stated that he personally favours an end to the constitutional ban, however he is afraid to support holding a referendum on the issue because he thinks it might fail.

This is a pathetic excuse. Most opinion polls show a 50/50 division on the issue. A vigorous campaign could bring the constitutional ban to an end. But FitzGerald fears a public debate. Such a debate would certainly open up divisions within F*ne Gael. Leading members of the party such as Patrick Cooney -- the man who unsuccessfully tried to legalize contraception in 197 -- have stated their tirm opposition to divorce, Knowledge of Fine Gael's unsavoury record in the 1920s and 1930s -earlier in this pamphlet we gave the details -- deepens our suspicion of their ‘liberalism', Garret FitzGerald has unintentionally shown that he would prefer to avoid public debate about that period of our history.

When the Fine Gael leader launched his 'crusade' he also attacked *‘DeValera's ‘anti-Protestant bias’. This was particularly ironic since, as we have already seen, FitzGerald's own father Desmond lei Fine Gael to take a more bigoted position than Fianna F&il in the Daif debate on the 1937 Constitution, Not surprisingly Garret FitzGerald later withdrew his ill-considered allegation!

Fianna Fail’s Record Fianna F4il has a different approach to Fine Gael although the practical result has been the same. They have appealed to both left and right and present themselves as a more ‘effective’ party than the ‘well meaning’ Fine Gaelers. An example of this is provided by the,1979 Health (Family Planning) Act, which was piloted through Dail Bireann by Charles Haughey, at that time Minister for Health and Social Welfare.

During the 1970s contraceptives became more widely available because of the McGee case taken to the Supreme Court. The 1935 DeValera Law was declared unconstitutional because it prevented the importation of contraceptives for personal use. An anomaly was created: it became legal to use contraceptives but illegal to sell them! Family Planning Clinics got around this technicality by accepting 'donations' in return for a supply of contraceptives. The number of users began to grow. Several opinion polls showed a decisive majority in favour of an end to the legal ban.

Intelligent conservatives, including the Catholic hierarchy, began to see it was not possible to restore a blanket ban. They recognized that the issue had become control of distribution.

16

They expressed alarm at the spread of Family Plannin Clinics, and criticised their failure to restrict supplies to married couples only. In this context it should be remembered that the defeated 197); Bill of Patrick Cooney included a clause specilying that people had to produce a marriage certificate IP they were buying contraceptives. Haughey knew this would be unworkable and would ulmost certainly be inconsistent with the ruling of the Supreme C.urt in the McGee case.

At the same time Haughev aimed to satisfy the conservative demand for restricting the distribution of contraceptives, he sousht to placate the ideological sensibilities of the extreme right, and he manoeuvred to defuse opposition to the new restrictions.

The result was grotesque. C.ntraceptives were to be made available only for ‘bona fide family planning purposes'. This elusive concept is open to mutually contradict ry interpretations: it may mean married peyple only can buy contraceptives, and it may not, The supplier decides in practice, The vast majority of pharmacists refuse to stock contraceptives of any kind either because of fear or religious bigotry, Under the Act clinics are supposed to have a licence entitling them to sell contraceptives. In practice the clinics have c ntimuied es they were before the Act, but the State can now exercise a lepal riyht to close them down or impose crippling fines .f up to £19,000, The most bizarre feature .f the legislation is the requirement that a medical prescription is needed to buy condoms which are ron-medical items, The only reason for this ludicrous law is the desire to restrict the availability of contraceptives. Haughey called it an ‘Irish solution to an Irish problem'; in fact it is 'Fianna F4il wallpaper hiding the cracks in partition’. The legislative potential of the Health (family Planning) Act is dangerous to women; it is a weapon which the extreme right may use at any time it considers suitable. Pandering to the clericalist antiwomen lobby has had its effects inside Fianna FA4il; a number of extreme right wing anti-abortionists have joined ‘The Soldiers of* Destiny’. Haughey’s own constituency Dublin North-Central is an example. During the 1982 General Election SPUC ran an extensive campaign arainst Bernadette MacAliskey in this constituency. Many of the SPUC pe.ple were active Fianna FAil members -- Haughey appears to have encouraged this development. Through a policy of standing firm against demands for lifting the constitutional ban on divorce, giving no pvround to Fine Gael on the anti-abortion amendment, and verbally attacking the implicit Unionism of Garret FitzGerald's ‘crusade‘, Haurhey hopes Fianna Fail can remain the principal ruling class party.

The behavicur wf Fianna FAil and Fine Gael over the PLAC highlights their partitionist mentality. They have complacently settled themselves into a comfortable niche, dependent for survival on our society remaining ‘stagnant’ because of an almost 100 per cent Catholic inajority. In thi: context it is interesting that Séamus Mallon, deputy leader of the SDL: , and a member. of the twenty six county Seanad, is one of the few Catholic politicians who has opposed the PLAC amendment. Anyone who seriously thinks abvlut what establishing a United Ireland really menns can see.

the contemptible sectarianism of the PLAC amendment.

Te

Irish Unity Some opponents of the PLAC may feel that Irish Unity is irrelevant to the campaign. Of course, it is not a campaign demand: But the issue of unity is impertant in understanding the context of the campaign; .

the stakes involved and the forces we are fighting against. The PLAC is not just a small right wing sect: it represents the interests of powerful men in the church, business, farming and politics. The twenty six counties is already ‘Their Kind of Country’ and they want to make sure it stays that way.

Even if we won Irish unity without overthrowing capitalism (which is extremely unlikely) and the two major religious denominations were merely 'tadded up', the cumplacert alliance between church and state all over Ireland would be severely shaken. Let us not forget that the religious sectarianism of the Northern state would also become untenable once partition is abolished.

The Fine Gael ‘Crusade’ has been presented as an effort to liberalise the 1937 Constitution in order to make it more acceptable to the Protestant Northern majority. That would mean that the North was some sort of haven of equality and gave women more rights! Nothing could be further from the truth.

Despite the fact that, in general, Protestant churches are more liberal than the Catholic church on questions concerning women, the actual siutation in the North as regards divorce, abortion, the right to work, nursery facilities and so on is much more similar to the twenty six counties than it is to Britain.

Gay Liberation: Nothing could illustrate better the medieval and backward attitude of the churches in the North to the question of human rights and sexuality than the question of gay liberation.

It is ILLEGAL to be a male homosexual in the North of Ireland (unlike England and Wales but like the South and Scotland). Gays have been subjected to a severe campaign of harrassment and intimidation py7 the RUC, to a gang of ‘queer bashers! who nave resorted to murder and got off scot free, and to Ian Paisley's ‘Save Ulster trom Sodomy!

campaign. Perhans Garret FitzGerald and Fine Gael could explain how they intend to persuade the Unionist dinosaurs who have the full backing of the Orange State and the British government, to accept the ‘terrible evil’ that pay people and their sexuality are supposed to represent. The decision of the Furopean Court of Human Rights to support the claim made by the Northern Treland Gay Rirhts Association (NIGRA) -- that the illegality of homosexuality in the North contradicted the human rights of gays -- is «a tremendous step forward in exposing the hollow claim that the North is 'liberal',.

Fine Gael peddle the ‘liberal North! myth as a way of trying to fool people in the South into believing that imperialism is progressive, FitzGerald is trying to hoodwink the Southern workers into an alliance with Britain; he is not campaigning for women's rights and the talk about the rights of the Northern majority is = complete diversion.

Northern Ireland is a sectarian state built on an undemocratic Protestant majority. The British government has given the Protestant 20

churches, and particularly the fundamentalist Presbyterians, a free hand to shape laws in the North.

This abject capitulation to backward protestantism has affected every area of women's lives in the North.

1967 Abortion Act: This has not been extended to the North; due mainly to the objections of Paisley's Free Presbylerians. Abortion is illeral in the North, LIKE the South and UNLIKE England and Wales.

Divorce. Reform was not’ extended to the North due to Free Presbyterian objections. Itwasvery difficult to obtain » divorce. It involved expensive court cases. The situation changed under direct rule after a fight by sections of the women's movement. This was LIKE the South and UNLIKE England. Nursery Facilities: State provided nursery facilities for working women are non-existent in the North, thus making life more difficult for the growing number of mothers who go out to work. The nurseries which exist (3 in Belfast) are attached to workplaces. This is UNLIKE England and similar to the childeare situation in the South.

Britain has created a Northern clerical stute where the churches have a well-established VETO over important areas of human rights, gay rights and women's rights. Paisley is still Lighting to get playyrounds locked on Sundays --how liberal can you peti?

As the Workers’ Research Bulletin on the Churches in the North of Treland says: "Ireland North and South is one of the most relipious countries in the world -- perhaps the most Christian country in the western world. And not only is it religious but its own peculiar forms of Catholicism and Protestantism are amon;; the most insular fundamentalist and reactionary in existence."

~~ mh ¥ recognise the need for Irish Unity Many southern feminists aa

We have to confront a legacy from imperialism. ‘The churches have been used to divide and rule: to divide men frem women. What sort of 'Free Ireiand' will women enjoy if there is no relaxation of the churches!

hold on the state’ This is not a Lipnt with ‘Modern Liberalism’ in one corner and ‘The [rish Tradition’ in the opposite corner. It is a fight For Democratic Rights Apainst a reactionsry alliance between the church hierarchies and British imperialism.

Catholic and Protestant triumphalism have triumphed in Ireland because of (1) political stagnation (?) economic backwardness (3) social and sexual fear (41) a Lack of individual confidence. These four deformities plague Irish society because of the 1971 ‘settlement’.

Women Should Have the Right to Control Their Own Fertility Women’s biological reality is often given as the reason for their repression as a sex. But the orizins of womer.'s oppression are economic and social rather than biological.

Women have not always played an inferior role in society; they have not always been subject to men in the home and outside the home to a povernment and a workplace controlled by ohe secticn of the population, the ruling class. Before the development of class society, just over 3,000 years ago, humans lived in a period which Marxists refer to as ‘primitive communism?

or subsistence societies, Social production was orranized communally and its product was shared eoually. Mveryone had to work caually in order for society to survive. Each person was only producing his or her’ own bare living needs. The socisl status of both men and women reflected the indispensible roles that each sex played in the productive process. The point is illustrated from accounts made by FPuropeans et their first meetings with people who still lived in comminal societies.

Native American (Indians)) had contempt for the Lies of abject obedience to rulers, when Furopean traders first tried to explain it to them: "A trader in the employment of the Hudson's Buy Company relates the perplexity of the Indians when he spoke of the directors of his company as his ‘chiefs’. They asked 'Who are thy chiefs and what makes them superior to other men?'. He explained their influence was owing to their preat wealth; ‘but the more | said in their praise, the more contempt I brought upon myself, and if ever T repretted anything in my life it was to have said so much'" (Evelyn Reed, Women's Evolution, Pathfinder Press, New York, 197), p.156).

The origin of women's oppression is intertwined with the transition from pre-class to class society. As human Unbour became more productive -as animals became domesticated, crops were preserved, stock was raised, and so on -- a surplus of produce above the immediate necds of the community began to emerpe. A division of labour began to appear as a minority of people found it possible to free themselves from the need to work. Ciass societies beran when a majority worked to sustain a minority of people who did not work directly for their ;

own survival. The early druids and high priests were among tne first parasitic castes to emerge and be supported by the workine majority. In these specific socio-economic circumstances the privileged few started to exploit the majority of human beings.

Women, because of their biological role in the reproduction of the human species, became valuable property. Women alone could produce new human beings whose labour power could then be exploited. Like slaves and cattle, they became a source of wealth.

Men, by means of marriape, and the family, acquired the ability to purchase women. Men also won the ‘right’ to pass on their property to 'their own! male offspring. Women's primary social role was increasingly defined as a domestic servant and a childbearer.

The lowly position of women became essential to the perpetuation of class society. Economic and social institutions of the new order arose on the basis of private property and the family.

We can see from this brief survey how crucial women’s oppression was (and is) to class society. In the interests of the ruling class women were kept out of social production, and largely conlined as dependents in the individualized family.

The struggle of women Lo regain: control of their fertility therefore undermines the repressive social institution of the family, authoritarianism, and the submissive attitude that women should "know their place", Neither church nor state has any right to decide when a woman gives birth or how many children she should have. Women's fight to win control of their own bodies is very old. In contravention of state law, and under threat of eternal punishment from established institlutions, women have used numerous inethods to assert their rights: vinegar, pills, condoms, and even infanticide are just a few of the many ways and means used by women to establish basic control over their own lives.

For ‘example, in Ireland before the Famine "Pregnancy outside morriage was a shameful matter to the girl and the family; it promised a wretched future for the child and herself, and prompted puilty concern in many a father; these four, therefore, had some incentive to arrange an abortion;...... But few illegitimate births seem to have been deliberately forestalled" (KH Connell, Irish Peasant Society, Oxford University Press,. 1968, p.62).

The favoured ‘solution’ in such cases appears to have been infanticide: "Bishop Doyle, appearing before the Select Committee on the State of the Poor in Ireland (in 71830) answered curiously when questioned on the prevalence of infanticide: 'I know more than an ordinary person on that subject but my ministry is such that I think it would be prejudicial to its interest if 1 were to give the evidence sought for'" (Irish Peasant Society, p.fl.,). The hypocrisy which surrounds condemnation of women who depart trom the role of the married mother reveals itself: "Destroying a child was hardly less sinful to the theologians than destroying an embryo; murder, however, more familiar than abortion and sometimes applauded, may have given less popular offence;" (Irish Peasant Society, p.o5) We believe that unless women crn establish a basic Rkight to Choose no other rirhts can achieve their full value. The right to work, the right to equal educational opportunity, and the rights to equal pay and equality before the law all hinge around a woman's ability to decide if and when she wishes to bear children.

23

Many people will agree with us up to this point, and accept that this justifies the use of birth control. Abortion still tends to be opposed because it is seen as murder.

We do not consider that the foetus is a human being, but let us suppose it was. Not all killing of a person is murder; people have the basic right to kill in self-defence. In other words taking a person's life can not in all circumstances be condemend as murder. Similarly if the foetus is a human being the case for an absolute constitutional ban collapses. The PLAC proposal is therefore seeking to give foetuses greater rights than humans.

We always find irrational arguments and evasions of the issue from the anti-abortion lobby. It can occur that a woman could die. from childbirth and her life could therefore be saved through an abortion. The logical position of the Catholic church here is that the foetus has greater rights than the woman. But they shy away from admitting such a callous attitude. A letter writer to The Irish Times, Laura Wilson, pointed out that Catholic doctors are obliged to let the woman die in such circumstances.

This prompted a reply from Jim Cantwell, Director of the Catholic Press and Information Office, supposedly contradicting Laura Wilson.

He quotes Pope Pius XII; but as we can now see this ‘succinct expression’ of Vatican thinking merely denies that a conflict could ever occur between the life of the mother and the continuation of a pregnancy: "Never and in no case has the church ever taught that the life of a child could be preferred to that of a mother; it is erroneous to put the question with this alternative: either the life of the child or of the mother. No, neither the life of the child nor that of the mother can be SBoy to an act of direct suppression." (The Irish Times, August 2 1982). At this point many people are prepared to accept that in exceptional circumstances abortion should be permitted. This would include (contrary to the views of the Irish bishops) the right of a woman to terminate her pregnancy if it is the result of a rape.

Next we come to the question of when human life begins. We believe humans” come into social existence at the moment of birth. In that second the baby ceases to be exclusively dependent on its mother.

This is not a revolutionary opinion: every one of us has official documents saying the same thing: our birth certificates and passports tell us that our lives began on our dates of birth. If we see the problem in this light it may be agreed that it is possible to arree to differ. The fundamental principle which must be guaranteed is that it is A Woman's Right to Choose. Any restrictions on that right will inevitably contribute to the oppression of women as a sex. , We say this because we believe in the principle ivery Child to be a Wanted Child, and believe women have the right to the broadest possible choice in the matter. This is also the only approach consistent with struggling for society as a whole to responsibly fulfil its obligations in childcare, The PLAC wish to offload this responsibility entirely on the woman in the family. They have very little understanding of the meaning of the words 'Choice', 'Freedom' and 'Life', ~ The Changing Views of the Catholic Church The Catholic church argues that abortion is always murder and that it has always held this view. This is simply untrue.

2).

In the early Christian Church there was no defined position on abortion, and because methods of contraception were primitive and unreliable abortion and infanticide were common. The first theolopian to define a postiion was Saint Thomas Aquinas who, not surprisingly, ranks as one of the church's greatest woman haters. His argument was that abortion should be against the laws of the church after the foetus had obtained a soul. "Ensoulment" occurred forty days after conception in the male foetus and ninety days after conception in the female foetus. Before ensoulment the foetus had no rights and could be aborted.

In the 1920s the first reliable medical contraceptives became available.

A new position was announced: ensoulment took place at the moment of conception. This made much more logical sense but meant that abortion was banned completely for Catholics. It is not coincidental that the total ban was announced as the women’s movement first began to have an influence: women were demanding the right to a life outside the home.

Later in the decade the church also decided to ban all forms of contraception. This position has remained intact for most of this century.

In the 1950s a new line was introduced. The total ban on contraception was causing massive disillusionment among Catholics. In a desperate attempt to halt the erosion of church authority it was announced that ‘natural’ contraception was -lright: using charts, thermometers and calendars to decide the 'safe‘dates formaking love was natural because it did not interfere with God's Law; on the other hand it was a sin to use pills or physical barrier methods. Total opposition to abortion was reiterated. i Knights o* “olumbanus push “heir campaien forward ? a)

The women's movement has not been sidetracked by these manoeuvres.

The church is very worried, particularly in countries like the USA, by the emergence of groups like the Catholics for a Free Choice and even Religious for a Free Choice. During Pope John Paul's visit tothe USA a courageous nun challenged him on his antiabortion views. The church, as on every issue, is beginning to bend to public opinion.

They are beginning to agree that abortion is permissible if the woman's life is in danger ( for example when a woman has to undergo a hysterectomy). Some members of the British hierarchy have suggested that abortion should be permitted’ in the cases of rape. But the Irish situation is very different.

There has been no mass campaign in favour of a Woman's Right to Choose.

Universai: agreement between the three main parties has given the wight a good opportunity to place a major hurdle in the way of women wiming the right to choose in the future..

Before anyone repeats the view that the Catholic church has always opposed abortion -- and let us remember that all other major churches in Ireland have expressed opposition to the PLAC -- they should give us an answer to the question: Lf a woman went to confession in A) Ireland B) England and C) The USA, why does she meet different attitudes from the priest and why does she receive different forms of penance?

The reason is that a political empire as strong as the Catholic Church has learnt the importance of flexibility and pragmatism.

Lessons for the Future: Why an Independent Women’s Movement is Necessary Societies do not develop in straight lines. One of the central lessons we should learn from the attempt by the extreme right to amend the cosntitution is that we must be eternally vigilant. Gains made in one period can be lost again unless there is a constant struggle.

We can be quite sure that the PLAC is only the first signal for a long-term attempt to drive women back down the hill they have begun co climb, An Independent Women's Movement is necessary in the fight for women's rights. The demands of the women’s movement are as important now as they were 10 years ago. While women have remained active in struggles they have gone in different directions and worked for different causes (for example the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), the Armagh Women Prisoners' Campaipn, campaigns for creches, and so on). The right wing saw its chance and seized a unique opportunity. This must not be allowed to happen so easily avain.

In fact the independent women's movement will continue to be necessary even after a successful socialist revolution. The existence of a strong well organized feminist movement is a central part of the struggle to prevent the socialist revolution from degenerating or decaying. Women's experiences in the Soviet Union after the October 1917 Revolution tell us why.

Pb

In the 1920s women won a number of basic democratic rirshts. But by the end of the 1930s most of these gains had been swept away. Leon Trotsky summarised the reversal: "The position of woman is the most telling indicator for evaluating a social regime and state policy. The October Revolution inscribed on its banner the emancipation of womankind and created the most progressive legislation in history on marriage and the family. This does not mean, of course, that a 'happy life: was immediately in store for Soviet woman. Genuine emancipation of women is inconceivable without a general rise in economy and culture, without the destruction cf the petty bourgeois family unit, without the introduction of socialized food preparation, and education. Meanwhile, guided by its conservative instincts, the bureaucracy has taken alarm at the disintegration of the family. It began singing paneeyrics to the family supper and the family laundry, that is, the household slavery of woman. To cap it all, the bureaucracy has restorea criminal punishment for abortions, returning women to the status of pack animals. In complete contradiction with the the ABC of Communism, the ruling caste has thus restored the most benighted nucleus of the class system, 1.¢.

the petty bourgeois family." (wri tings 0 of Leon Trotsky, (1937-36), Pathfinder Press, New York, 1°70, p.170) During World War 2 women were told to brecd ‘sons for the revolution’.

Since then there has been a thaw. For example abortion has again been legalized. However it is the official view that A Woman's Right to Choose can be suppressed by the ‘rights! of Soviet society and the Soviet economy, as it was during the period of Stalinist reaction in the 1920s. The Role of the Anti Imperialist in the Anti Amendment Campaign For the past few years anti-imperialists have been the most consistent resisters of increased state repression. The campaign of the National H-Block/Arinagh Committee stands out as u heroic example of unity and courage. It overshadows all other prorressive struggles that have taken place in Ireland since 1972. Tts lone time-span, its non-exclusive structure, its democratic organization, and its All Treland and intermational scope provides an invaluable reservoir of experience. ‘The’ sectors ot Lrisn society and our international supporters who took up the cause of the political prisoners in the name of Irish Unity must now, for the same reason, support the struggle against the PLAC.

It is now generally agreed that the campaign in support of the Armagh and H Block prisoners covld have wen victory if the anti-inperialist movement had a better record in other propressive strupples. The AAC is an ideal opportunity to show this if practice, particularity because of the cowardice shown by the main partitionist parties in the South of Ireland. The anti-imperialist movement should consider very carefully the significant support given to the prisoners by influential sections of the international women’s movement, particulary in Britain. Once the plight of the Armagh prisoners was highlighted, British feminists, many ef them lesbians and activists in che British National Abortion : vampaign (NAC), gave strong support . The March 8 International ye) of

Women's Day demonstrations outside Armshg Prison were attended by feminists from many different countries.

British teminists in particular showed an inspiring ability to swim against the tide of chauvinism tn Thatcher's so-called ‘United Kingdom’.

These feminists saw the link between their onnvress’on a5 women and preitein's barbaric treatment of Irish political prisoners Active antiimperialists should therefore have no difficulty in seeing that taking a stand for women's rights will strengthen Lhe strurzgle for Irish Unity. During the H-Block/Armargh campaign women Fine Gael TD's hypocritically took Thatcher's side in the name of feminism. At the time Bernadette MacAliskey and Nell McCafferty warned Gemma Hussey that selling out the prisoners would also lend to selling out on women's viphts.

Hussey's support for the PLAC along with Nuala Fennell (the present Fine Gael spokesperson for women's rights) has dramatically proven Bernadette MacAliskey and Nell McCafferty right.

Despite all the difficulties there is now a preat chance that the PLAC can be defeated. An opinion poll carried out by the Trinh Marketing Surveys (IMS) showed that there is significant mass .pposition to the PLAC: 1,3 per cent of those questioned were in favour of the proposed referendum but |;1 per cent were opposed (details are in the September 18 1982 issue of Zs Ivish Times).

Once the anti amendment forces beran to mobilize tne PLAC has been halted in its tracks and has lost support. We can now continue and win a major victory for women's rights against a vicious right wing offensive. Glossary AAC Anti Amendment Campaien CND Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament EEC European kconomic Community IDA Industrial Development Authority IMA Trish Medical Association IMS Trish Management Surveys IUD Intra Uterine Device NAC National Abortion Campaign (of Britain) NIGRA Northern lreland Gay Rights Association NLF National Liberation Front (of Vietnam) PLAC Pro Life Amendment Campeign RTE Radio Teleffs Bireann (the state broadcastins service in the south of Ireland) RUC Royal Ulster Constabulary (the state police in the six counties) SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party (of the six counties) SPUC Society for the Protection of the Unborn Child

NO MORE CHAINS!

This pamphlet argues that the anti-abortion 'Pro Life Amendment Campaign! (PLAC) is part of an.

influential far right wing current of Catholic opinion which is using religious bigotry to put women down and halt all progressive trends in Irish society.

Ireland is facing a combination of crises: an economic recession, an unstable government in Dublin, and the 'Troubles' in the North. Our growing young population is being denied basic rights and women's rights are being given a low priority.

In this situation a moral policeman is an invaluable ally for the establishment... The proposed constitutional ban on abortion is a rallying point for all opponents of a secular ‘society.

No More Chains is part of the struggle for women's rights, for lite, for victory over this right wing offensive.

PEOPLES DEMOCRACY

People's Democracy sees women's oppression as inevitable under capitalism and the particularly backward conditions of Irish women as due to the neo-.

colonial status of Ireland. The feminist movement, j in our view, will play a vital role in creating a socialist society which will end all oppression and exploitation. Members of People's Democracy have been active in the women's movemen or many years. We were among the founders of IrishWomen United, Women Against Imperialism, the Women's Right to Choose Group, ae the Anti-Amendment Campaign.

If you would like to find out more about PD please contact us at: 38 Clanawley Road, Killester, Dublin 5 or Connolly Bookshop, Avoca Park, Andersonstown, Belfast 11. Telephone 617926. F mene beslton | r ,60P =