Socialist Republic: March 1977

SOCIALIST

REPUBLIC

NORTH AND SOUTH

BRITISH ARMY- OUT

HEAVY GANG- OUT

mid-march / mid-april 197/ price 10p

PAPER OF THE MOVEMENT FOR A SOCIALIST REPUBLIC

STATE BRUTALITY

ORGANISE

RESISTANCE!

"BRITS OUT

There c 7 be no doubt that the last year has witnessed a new upsurge in the militancy of the anti-unionist resistance, laying the banis for a potentially nass resurgence aguinst british rile- In particular, since the Relatives Action Committee (RAC) *s denonstrations in August, the rising tide of struggle has dealt a series of blows against Britaints intention of crininalising, isolating and repressing the resistance.

The original protests against the removal ef political status have blossoned over into growing spontaneous mobilisations in a munber of areas against the British Army itself; so that, one pear on fron the removal of polltical status formation of the RAC, the issue and the of political prisoners has been showt the real meaning According to Conor Cruise D*Arien Articles 2 and 3 of the I937 Constitution which clala jurisdiction over the 6 Coutles, are a major obstacle to a peaceconflict in the ful settlenent of the nub of his argument is North. The that these atricles are seen by the Protestant comnunity as a type of Southern "imperialist" threat to their independenon and liberty.

in D Brients view, that the follows, repeal of these articles would go a Long way towards pacifying the loyal- Ists and reconciling them to powersharing and reconciliation with the South.

DOUALE-THINK

As with most of OrBrien's views on the North, this arguent is besed on halttruths and double-think. Offrien tries to pose as a great liberal who fearlessly defends the rights of the Protestant commitr But be carefully of "Green Fascism". avoids asking what ic 1s about tbe Articles that frightens the Protest- The truth is that the anto so much. layalist politicians - for their ovti cynical ends - are able to nake capit l out of them only because thes represent the claims of a clerically doninated, economically backwand It is the legitingte fears state. ion. status was von as part and parcel of upationg it can only be regained in of ordinary Protestaut vorkers that their religious beliefs and economic cains ale in danger so Long as Che Sauthern state claim jurisdiction over the North that gives the ranting of equally bigated anti-vorking class polfelelans, any shred of credibility. So long as the South remains a "goabeen republic" les 2 and 3 could have little offect and co, to whip up the fears of Pratestant workers. period from I922 to 1937 when the Free State made no claim to the North ample proof of this. ir orBrien was really serious about defending the rights of the Protestant community his first target for attack would be clericalism and of Articles rox 10 1975 when Cosgrave voted ainst his ova goverroent, 2&3 to defend relicious an alliance with religious bigots.

truth is that D'Brien is really interested, bet in defeniing the interests allies like Orarien - to undermine the struggle sgainst British Imperialisn, If the Protestant commity is afraid of Arcicles 2 and 3 it la not primarily beause they pose a threat to rel- Hore is where OrBrien's half-truth itself a thoroughly bigoted inscicutton, and some of the vorst and most alatant examples of social injustice araint threats in Europe are to be found there.

South is that partition reinforced the the Protestent community. Articles 2 ance with their logic will soon find thenselves danoed upon by the Heavy Gang - draw attention to the fact that

FROM

to be indissolubly linked to the struggle to drive out the forces of occupat- And the reason in clear: political the mass struggle against British ocothe repeal of Artican the ability of Painley, Baird, West The history of the What is OrBrien's record on these 1sgpoliticians he is adept at making verbal broadsides at clerical control but in practice doing nothing.

the Contraception Oshrien was in an Ideal positian to milo a real protest retuging to servo under a Catholic bigot Like Cesgrave... Ias bead he subordinated the flebt against clem the fight against "The Provos".

The shallowness of O Brients liberalian Liberty he nakes of Protestants, hut in using their fears created by the gombeen nent and their igious liberty and econonic prosperity.

The northern statelet is real reason why tbe Protestants are so veledently opposed to the clains of che 'sectardan privileges of all sections of and 3 although of purely formal signif- Leance - those who try to act in accord-

TARA MACEVOY

GHET

the context of this struggle. It is the central issue which makes clear the real nature of the Irish war,not betveen two communities dentrated ly gangsters! and godfatheral, but a war of nationel liberation. The fight to regalo it camot be seporated the mass of Irish people have never accepted Partition and the sectarian privileges of the Northern Protvstant community that go alang with it.

is the real rossou why Articles 2 and 3 are anatbema te loyalists and Unionists of every stripe.

see that offrien's threadbare 1tberalise leads Itin to a altuation vbere the most clericalist and gombeen elerents in che Soutb and tries to give a carto-blanche to the sectarian practices oi the Six-

FIGHT LOYALISM

policy of conciliation towards Such a policy alism can achieve. was elevated to a strategy by the SULP and the Southern government in the period from the UVC strike to the Comention elections.

grave announced that the violence of the Northern Catholice was killing the South's desire for unity Cooper and FitzGerald called for the abolition of Articles 2 and3 and a refarn of the Constitütion; the Crininal Law Jurisdiction BEll was Increducer and cedsorship was stepped up: Repub- Licans were hounded: The SDLP moved cowards acceptance of the RUC and CR ate. ete.... and what happened?

Were the loyalists appeased? Not at contrary they drew strength and unity from these concessions, winning two overwhelning election victories (westminster October 1755 and the Concencion May 176), and launching a series of furious sectarian assassinations.

The way to fight lovalism is not throuch appeasenent but be challeneinz its sectariul privileges.

This must be done first and foremost by the Catholte minority demanding its rights. But the Northern minority cannot win on its own - it needs the help of the Sauthern vorkers and small farmers. Articles 2 and 3, althauch they have only a formal simificance tor policicians from lley to Cosgrave, are a declaration by the Southern nesses that they support the demands of the Narthern minority, That is why bourgeois politicians of every persuasion want ot zet rid of Articles 2 and 3; that is why Socialists who defend denocratic rights defend Articles 2 and 3 tooth and nail.

EMAND

TOS

trom that vari Thus, in August, the RAC demonstrations led to barricades being erected in mally areas of Belfast: the real development of the fightback Is against the barracks of British occupation.

TURF LODGE

A couple of months later, the vonen of Turf Lodge began their herole attempts to drive the Arny out of the area. In the wake of the shooting of Sandy Lynch, the murder of 13-year-old Arian Stewart, and a number of other atrocities, a series of spontaneous mobilisations by these wonen repelled successive mini-"Motorman" by the Army and caused a flurry of chaos in the ranks of the telected representatives! One Alliance Party councillor denanded the withdrawal of plastie bullets - one of which had killed Stewart - only to be promptly disowned by his Party boss. Oliver Napier. Paddy Devlin of the SDEP did not niss the opportunity either: when & soldiers charged with burning down a GAi ciub in the Whiterock, the Arty of being responsible for 3 other such Most Important burnings. of all, when the "Peace at алу brigade tried to use the they were driven out of Turf Lodge and forced to reveal their true blanket support for the Army, RUC,

SPREADING ACTION

The significance of Turf Lodge canoverestimated. By directing not be their struggle against the British troops, the the local people cut right through British propaganda depoliticise and crininaldesigned to 15c the resistance, utterly hypocrisy of Peace the and their reformist back ers ghettoes, tbe Republican Clubs. spontaneously acting together, By setting up an Action Cosmittee and relying on nobilisations on the streets, they revealed the Latent depth of the mass resistance and tin capacity to act outgide the rigid confines inposed by the Provisional leadership. They acted as au exanple to other gbettoes. Thus, in the New Lodge area, after a particularly brutal beating by the Aruy, an action comittee vas initfated to mobilise against military repression. In Ardoybe, building workers hav gone on strike against Army harassment. In the Royal Victoria Hospital, there lave been a number of protest actions by the vorkers demanding the removal or a military post in the hospital grounds. In the Clonard, after Franic Hoyna died of a beare attack, Paddy Devlin accused the Paras of murder, demanded the withdrawal of their regiment, and called for a full eneuiry, get of the people in the Chenard signed a petition demanding tbe the withdrawal of the Paras and began the Irish Front - composed of the freedon for policical prisoners.

developed In the last 6 months?

Despite mounting ropression removal of political status ween the Unionists and the SNIP.

Passes Into demoralisation. Indeed, every attempt by Britain to outbursts of militancy. The Army's murphy behind Movement vere a mirderous fianco.

British rule in Ireland today, where decisive defeat on the anti-mionist Brian icians of all parties politely refer to as a political complaints about flack or political initiative! fron Britain, in reality reflects the growing crisis of Brit- Devin accused at a time when self is in deep crisis over its inabprice" Ility to inflict a defeat on its con situation, working class. colours -

REPUULICANS

UER.

real enemy, exposing Movenent in the to organise their own sell-defence with barricades. Horeover, in Derry, Proves, IRSP, remanita of the NutlooaList Party and individuals fron the Republican Cluha - has as its central demands the withdrawal of troops and

BRITAIN'S FAELORE TO CRUSH RESISTANCE

Why has this upsurge on the streets ency legislation In the 26 Counties, strengthening and rearring the ROC and UM, massive prison-building program, has been totally unable to patch cogether any govermental agreement bet- All Britain's talk of sorting it out yourselvest has been accompanted by a rising level of torture and bruhut this has proved completely Insufficient to con the anti-unionist repression has been greeted by fresh crush Turf Lodge and Bally- 1s a growing crisis of imperialian is too weak to inflict any Consequently, what the politvacuunt, reicing throughaut all Ireland, British capitelism it- But at the sade time, this is also a crisis of the Ronublican leaderships.

have wept the Out, The recent these demands, The Officials have been utterly disthrouch their supcredited in Belfast part for the 'Peace campaigo, while in Derry tbey have ceased to exist aa an organisatian. But also the Provos Jave failed to provide necessary leadership. They have not chrown their whole weizht bedirectian agsinst the Hritish Aruy and instead have tended to divert the campaign (e.z. assassinating prison xanders). They heve been caught tattooted by the sharp struggles developing in areas like Turf Lodges they have not tried to coordinate these struggles Into mass united protests on the In An Phoblacht, January Lith, in * Ancis, le cbeiles Brits Dut", there is no hint of has to kick then out; instead: "This nanth will see the greatest campeign of publicity over mounted by Sinn Fein on the demand for a British withdrawal Iron Ireland.

..This is the mouth of the great instruction." The artiele goes on to explsin why the Brits shouldore be in Ire- Jand and why Sinn Feints programmo is correct. In short, Sinn Fein lint themselves to propaganda, with no reference to the strugeles unfolding,and no attempt te provide the lead necessary to generalise these struggles.

IMPACT OF MASS STRUGGLE

It Is not Sinn Fein or the IRA that buhbling.but resistance the militant determination of the masses themselves. It is the reassertion of the methods of muss struggle over the last sear ahich has caused turmoil not just in the ranks of che Provos, but amongst british collaboratora throurheut Ireland. Aliost ball the delegates at Cle last SDLP conference voted for troop withdrawal; Britaials Inability to crush the resistane is ultimutely respangible for the lister Loyalist as to cake up all questions of British occupation, from the Ary to unemployment and hoosing, and pravide a real ansher to the needs of the oppressed in the wole of Treland. This sort of undted leadership will only be built through a process of domeloping unity around linking the most outstanding issues of the day - to particular, political status and Troops nerance of the left groups (MR, ISP PD,SUH, SWG) hes farned an anti-repression connittee around with the intention of druwing in individual nilitants by tovolving itself in local struggles, trying to coordinato tlen, and basing Itsolf on the needs and organisation of these struggles. This example of unity is an exarple bich must be folloved as a crucial element of building masa anti-imperialist unity.

• NIKE PINTER

February 23 saw the acceptance by tbe Irish Congress Of Trade Unions (ICTU) of the 1977 National Wage Agreement.

(NWA), While delegate after delesate trooped to the rostrun ta donop with prices, or for shiftine e ap with prices, or burden of the recession on to the backs of the vorkers, while the malority of these who remain in favour of Nwats remained tight-lipped and silent. That's not surprising as it becomes increasingly difficult for these trade unionists to advocate such agreenents as panaceas to vorkers feeling the bite of inflat- Even Ruaidhri Roberts agreed, ton. in seeking the ratification gress, that "Nobody was clainin' that this nay-deal would guarantee full protection against increases in the of living over the period of *cost the agreenent!. le went on to tell the conference that the budgetary provisions for increased employnent Tell short of the measures considered by Congress to be necessary and outlined in their submission Minister for Finance before eet.

A PAY PAUSE

It vould have been more honest of Roberts and other agreement ers to teel the workers what deal really is, a pay pause which effectively extends into for Many of the weaker sections of the working class. The proposal for a I4 month agreenent which includes a 3 month pause to be followed by two phased incrosses each of 244 plus tr.

The first increase will be paid imodiately after the pause and will be fallowed by a second increase 7 months later. Each phase is subject to a minima increase of E2 a week and a maximan of L4.I3p.- Set against a very bigh rate or inflation of around 205 and in the franework of highly restrict- Ive clauses, vhich deny the richt to noriers to strike for equal pay the abolition of anonalies. To understand bow the proposals for the 1977 Nil cane to be harmered out, it is necessary to go back to July 1976 and the conclusion of the interin agreement for that year. insert face p9 sexuality while many others rect in revulsion against the exrloitation of human sexuality by big business.

AFTER THE BUDGET AND THE 5thNWA

WORKERS STILL

NOT BEATEN

of Con-

GOVERNVENT AND BEREAUCRAT MANDEUVRES

Targed on as Clause ment by unions and employers to neet to tbe in Septenber to stunty Farther agreement.

the Bod- But of cormierent. that both sides would meat the government for a series of The CRy: supporton October with Orleary promising this a tr00m, package of tax concessions and a jol creation programne, if a pay freese the no was a may freeze until the and start. en without any agreenent being reacbe 1, for four weeks.

Employer-Labour conference not in Noverber to begin discussions on a wage pact. Tsese tripartite talks were used to duse the vorkers into thinking that tbey vere going to be allowed some Bar on ebe direccion of sociel snd econente policy. of the Trade Unior bureaucracy went lans way to reintorcing these mistaken concertions of stat these talke really represented.

or Increased tax allovances (which were only partially det) and sectal welfare benefits along with postulated plans for a jabs creation prog Tanne, were enough to buy off the trade union leaders, even though the Ridger allocations have fallen far short of the targeta they set.

Eidio Lavless of the National Excutive of the INWU was honest enough to point this out and call on meno reject the agreement. bers. is also interesting to note that the repart of tbe National Prices Commission, which was prepared some months Workers. B: workers. C: 22 was a connitgreater inportance was another discussions on econente and social strattripartite talks starced These talks Lumbered Then the workers. off at all. The posturings Promises freo zeB. Only onhargo, back, was only released after the Budget and the signing of the Nas.

PROBLEMS FOR THE BOSSES

This latest agreement may prove very difficult for the bosses to These difficulties hold together. will arise on 3 different levels: A very strong sector withill the working class, the Public Servion These have had to endure a government embargo on all clains.

There is a great deal of unrest and clashes are likely to break out.

Closely connected is the question of cqual pay for wonen - Large numbers of bom work in the public seryice, where the existence of "gingle and married grades" is proring a block to the equalisation of rates of pay. In the private sectar also, the use of the grading system (thereby placing wonen at the bottan: of the wage scale) is frustrating many thousands of vonen in their quest for equal pay. Their hands have been tied by the restrictive 'no strike" clause in the NA.

Signs are, with the strike of tbe wollen teleptonists, that a central Pert of the fight back against the Nut could come from women The weaker sections of the workers, those in the tradicional industries running into a docline, have been struggling for the past two years now to win the increases of the last two vage roundst In many of these cases the employers have clained Inability to pay, and during the workers! fight-back agadnst this attempts have actuelly been made to cut wages. Examples in Dublin are to be found in the Hickey's strike (mainly young wonen workers) and at Allied Textiles. Ibese types of strikes are usually official, receiving suppert from the crade wtions but at a very lou key mainly because of the inplications they suggest.

While these workers will not be in the froat ranks with the heavy batte allions, like the tuilding varkers who have threatened to strike over an anemely clain half-paid to them, their small-scale struzules generate a frustration anong workers in general, with the attacks being made on their living standards.

THE TASK OF SOCIALISTS

A real challenge is Don posed to gocinlint nilitanta in the trade unions, by the activity of tbeae layers of Their co-ordinacion and generalisation le of vital importabce if the ficht-back in to take The Heed for a united battle on a class-struggle basis within the unions is clearly posed.

Workors are seeking alswere co the sier problems of the day, to uncir ployment, redundancies, and nage- He have an opporturity co provide sone of those ansucts.

Der of tbe first steps ne could take is to call for fall-scale support for the enul-pay strike of the telenhonists. He mast organise a mass demonstration in support of their strile.

On a nore long-tern basis, the need for a public service alliance Is sharply posed, to begin to co-ardinate and lirect che frustrations of large bunbers of these workers against the government

MSR TRAIT, UNION CAUDUS

WORKERS AND STUDENTS

the recentlv rubijahed wattnates the bodore meal what hos for. been feared Bor some tira pok bw trade uniondata and-soclallets.that theme would be a signincant cu: back in cubille expen/titure While there has boen no open slashing as nich on pubille sending alone the Lned of Denie Reali €3,000 mdl1tm over 3 yoors in britain, the ancunt of morey to be allocatod (81,500 ml11lon) 1a on arage only 118 un on last vests Thin ampared to a allocation. 19% allocation Int. Jar. cn and reasoned againit pesos rise last a drastic redaction in the value of Michael METla pondent of the out "the Tower obviourly: indi to cut don on provide a better balancs with Denie. the canttal budget of E182 adition ta un E32 a such is only marginally in on the average. these cu in the her That a tea In Septerber. lates throughout cadn, it 1s Inflation", Chos waking peonle voo are to curry the burden of an econnie crisis not of theis making, not just in having their sages held dom but in meing the bealth, adacation and welfare benefste of themaives ad conta from p 8 This cones from a resolution of the Belfast Socialist Wonen's Group to a recent left conference on anti-imper- Lalist unity. concrete expression of the for woren's struggles would be to begin now to discrininate in favour of women participating fully in political activity. ov meetinga, having creche facilities at conferences and taking up the problens of child-care, danestic cannitments eto. Importance of wonen avercomina their lack of confidence perience. Hut words will not achieve this.

en nast organise now. iside the anti-imperialist noverrent and inside local areas. in such areas are beginning to appearthen can play a real pole in takine up these questions. These seegingly nundate questions can and must lead to challenging tle posit- Ion af women in capitalist society.

lead to the question of women playing an equal role in the socialist soclety the anti-inperialist forces are fighting for.

their families reduced. fran the alde of things. that the level of service'. transparent: 11e. 1975 official vear of 20.98 shes ener It argued that the most leftis support This means wonen chairine their It means realising the and political ex- Woninside left groups, Lacel varen's greups They In every spbere of life

EXPENDITURE CUTS AFFECT

A staberent @.l.t In mulation to the estimates Is partloularly interest- Ing insofar an le wows to health The staterent said tra 534 = givin to health maintained the exatine this 10 a Te actually will involve leas meal pash avallable because of riptily mounting conte of medicine earment ete. Health Is is want wave the most inportant of the social services workers need

THIS NIL BE THE

SITE OF THE DRAIN

FOR THENG DELE

MPEY DOIN

THAT PIE

History has shown that wonen leading reles in revolutionary movements - Russia, Spain - and yet this does not rurantee their liberation. The left must take the fight against the backward ideas of the church and too many Republicans are even against the right of vonen to concrol cheir own bedies. against low Far, the farcical loopholes in tbe Ental Pas Act and demand the right of women as reactionary opposition. nursery and social facilities in antiunionist areas, Jobs for woen fumo are the ones who have to make eris neet) of contraception facilities, all bese are directly the result of imperialist domination. It is not enough to say that the werents struggle should not be subordinated to the national struggle - ve must fight now to link them un in practice.

issue of vomen's eppression aust be raised where its effects are most.

present - in the heart of the inti- Unionist areas. to bu ld an anti-imperialist wanen's novenent in the 32 Counties that will represent the fighting women of Ire- Land. and vet it 1s here that the cuthacks will hit harder. hesith has satfered nore than sw other aces as far is cita to date are conomed osrectally since sid 1976- The not rertinent ones hun been in home aid helps to distressed Camilies, milk and food all cusoe to nothers, nursity grants bo deneived children a well an ontical chirmody ebc, sevices. In other waria, the pocost sections of the Its the sare in edu cution, where apart few grants, the woran awa affected 1* rumilal (hardt capped) education.

The final thing that shoule be neerbered in that this 1s an election budget. the allocations granted ase, much treater than Ear vould have bee LE that want the are thet there will be a second budnet after the elections widet will Inveilve further cute, need extentive than any bo date.

The chasin why the cute have not produced the nasa restatance thou Have is beowe they hae not to late produced perio 14.2 not to. But the in Inevitable in the me lod eid. compaige by the trade an organ named in mereloutar, unionn Ile Suevicon Comittee tenante organisations Inunched agadnat and fand lies clare

THUS

any circaratance allow to malnutrition. howver phosteal debility ste. riobeta, Jet thei bostols Ine besd. bash in' nade

LIFE

play Lack of unionisation, wel1 as nen to voric, in the fight against fore for the whole of society.

The lack of Thus we must begin

NAME..

For that munion,

ADDRES5-

The chances Movement for a thart Ite tire the huh- Contens 15. 1. Our under

WOMEN AS HARHINGERS

If ve do nes undenstand tbis, reactionvanen haso traditionally played a specinte role while the men are out fighting.

carrying on witile hushands, fathers, sens, all took sides. Their pasition as sacred - guaranteed by church and it was above class conflict.

Hanco are the moral conscienos for their nen, gone astras, and therothey have an invaluablet role to play in bringing peace to this troubled society. This is the unfortunate logic of THOse cembers of the Republican novarent who say that the nonenta guestion must wait.

that subordinates any independent activity, on economic, social activitary struggle. Far as long as ve wait, and leave women to remain isolated in the hone, react forces will attempt to detach women fron the class struggle and use Which is whore Mairead and Decty cone

FIONA MENION

WORKERS FIGHT! is a neveabeet of of rembers and supporters the Haveneut for a Socialist Republic. It covers the major insues on which class struggle elements within the trade union movement should be fighting.

Not just descrihing strikes, it draws the lessons trem particular struggles and provides valuable information to back up the intervention of militants, concentrating on opportunitles to build and nobilige ter class struggle initiatives.

If you would lilo to receive TWORKERS FIGHTY regularly in the post, please cut out this forn and send it with 11 [more it you lthel) to W.F. (Sub), c/o 36 Clanavley Rd, Tahlin 5.

The Secretary. M.S.R. 38 Clanawley Road, Dublin 5.

I MOULD LIKE MORE INFORMATION ABOUT THE M.S.R.

IRISH SECTION OF THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL

Socialist Republic

ADDRESS ....

NAME....

it very well. in the farily was seen The logic of the position imediate deeds of the milie-

SIXTY-ONE YEARS LATER:

THE 1916 RISING - A HERITA

Two of the Rising's main aspects will be discussed in this article to be learnt from an analysis of the event Itself and its underlying causes 11) Its relevance today for revolutionary socialtats.

The attempted banning of the Provistonal Sinh Fein connemoration in April I976 which was still attended by a largely working class crowd of over 15,000 shows that these are not simply academie issues. The question "Who Fears To Speak Of Baster Weele" is more relevant today than it was last year, as the Southern govemment_strains nourve to sever its tenuous links with it. The Coglition stopped ofticially commemorating the one of its leading ministers, Conor Cruise o*Brien, has declared his opposition to it and now they are campaigning for another stab in the back to the minority: the abolition of Articles 2 and 3. For over 50 years the Southern bourgeoisle has clained to support the aims of the nen and women of 1916 but with the "violent methods" favoured by Republicane. We will soe that this betrayal but a cynical effort to continue sabotaging the national liberation strugele in a slightly less hypocritical manner.

BLOOD ON THE HOME RULERS! HANDS

In the years before the Rising Catholic middle-class ( as it ern was) nade few apologies for its pro-British stance. It is true they used their Hore Rule party to engineer an alliance the English Liberal Party to gain a measure of deralved governient.

the face of a reactionary onslaught by backtracked Ulster Unionists, they idly that they ended sending over 50,000 people to fight and die in the service of an empire with one of the bloodiest records of all the inperialier povers.

lately tears to shreds the 'arguent" that the constitutional wing of Irish nationagism is peacetic. Neither is it democratic for ice party von Bf out of the seats in the I9I0 election based on a pron- - 1) The lessons ite every and enharrass dig event in 1974, Northern to disagree is not a the Souththen in However, so raP-- This inned- ICd Irisa looked down with contempt on the uskilled and bitterly resented his attempt to get his chiliren caught ant of the skilled trades; the feeling of the Orangemen of Troland cowards the Catholics Is bur a glarified represontatian an a big stage of the sano passions tenired be the same unworthy notives." (Selected Worka p.266).

labour leaders deferred to these backward elements ly simply cercentratine on bread and butter issues", thus abandoning the ad- Yubiced workers to the bourgeois ise of Tilly fledged Hone Rale, on a linited franchise of 700,000, whereas Sin Fein won 33 out of I05 seats in I9I8 on a franchise of 2,000,000, To speak of the participants in tbe I916 Hising usurping a denocratic nandate therefare means giving credibility to a particularly shabhy form of bourgeois democracy.

DIVISIONS IN THE WORKING CLASS

This however was not done by the mast militant sections of the Irish working The key to understanding their continued support and sympathy lot Repuhlicanism Lies in understanding hau, due to the extrene backwardness of the in 1900 its national incone was 282n. where Britain's was created, with the exception af the partially industrialised North- East, which was capable of distilling reformist politics into the whole vorking class, as had happened in Big- Lenin explained the contrast in this vay: "Larkin has perforned miracles among the unskilled workers, that mass of the British proletariat which in England is so often cut off fron the advanced workers by that cursed spirit of the British skilled vorker ("British Labour And British Imperial - The fight of the unskilled Irish workers was not Just abstractly Tinked to the struggle against British In I909 Larkin broke from English Dockers! Union to forn the Irish Transport And Geeral Workerst Union (INT) because the English would not support his militant The other Irish unions were originally based on a small layer of skilled voykers, Largely organised in English-based A labour aristocracy existed in the North die to Belfast's Limited industrialisation and, in faitation of its English counterpart, placed its interests before those of the entire proletariat. Connolly has been one of the for Marxists to cone to tere with this problen: "At one tine in the industrial world of Great Britain and Ireland the skilled, labourer Unfortunately the rest of Ireland's

FOR ALL S

nationalists of Sinn Pein. They Tailed to see that concentrating on econore issues leaves the workers trapped in bourgeois ldcolagy, 4g lenin argued: n....

however much we day try to flend the economic strugzle itself a political character! we ghall never be atle to develop the political consciousness of the workers (to the level of Social Denocratic - the contenporary term for Revolutionary Marxist political consciousness) by leepeconomic struggle for that franework is too narrow" (What Is To Be lene 7, Moscow 1970, P. I14). It 1s the task of socialists not alone to explain to the workers that they are oppressed but also to dovelap their consciousness by agitating around all the aspects of that oppression. All the asper

REASONS

YOU SHOULD

The Irish Citis BECAUSE Te pledgée it organise for, drill for and fi Ireland. BECAUSE It places ite nelise that never betrayed Irelan ClasH. BECAUSE Having a derrito is no bear of it boing perals actica by dirikione in le En slid that had are ought to be, esta God hath put withis BECAUSE It worl sad true Nutional Ma all that makes for Dignity. Companies Wanted a

BECRETTS WANE

frie Dav:

A REPRODUCTION 108

OF THE

FE

CIALISTS

of the brutal inperialist aggress- Lon conducted by Britain against Ireland became clear in the crisis.

which preceded the I916 Rising.

CAUSES OF THE RISING

General enthusiasn for the vorld var had waned by early I915.

though Britain wanted to introduce conscripcion and crush the anti-war agitation it vas urable to do so for fear of wiping out the Home Hulera' credibility, They hoped that the limited prosperity gained by the Irish middle-class due to Britainta isolation fron its najor crading partners would counterbalance the warts unpopularity.

was naive firstly because the soe lal crisis had been made more acute by the var ans secondly due to the growing pressure for extra viccine in the European carnage.

The Republican doninated Volunt-

WHY

lOIN in Army. work for. bere to for an Independent apon the only class tbe Trish Working i to work for there I in the moment of ative Body. scle right of owner- - people of Treland, worship may. and and all - mall means that. y with the Labour and shus emhracee olfare and National very District.

ERY HOUR

etary, Citizen Army, lin. r3 Aragord Bireet, Dullis,

RUITING LEAFLET

RMY

eers vere increasing their menbership and along with Connelly wanted an insurrection. that nothing was wrong link betveen intenaified antiwar propaganda and the the number of aruy recruits.

Rulers in hopelessly wrong.

A1- This putach. one place an Army will line up and say "he are for socialian and in another place an Aruy will say "ve are for Inperialisa" and believe that this will be the social revolution, only those who hold auch a ridiculously pedantic opinion could vilify the Irish rebellion by calling it a putsch" (British Labour And British Imperialisa p.I66).

SOCIALISM AND NATIONALISM

Contrary to Stalinist legend Trotsky was hot one of the people being criticised here. anov's putschist analyats as Mananeril but had overestinated the depth and effect of the land reforas introduced by the Briciah. observing that the Irish working class was born as the national struggle was reaching a climax and "clashing with the egotistically linited and inperially arrogant trade unienis of Britain has naturally wavered between syndicalism and nationalism and is always ready to link the two conceptions together in its revolutionary consciouste sall Dublin Events). Taced with massive military repression during and after the Rising this class arose in search of an alternative to bankrupt Home Hale politics.

19I6 and 1920 it expressed its "syndicalism™ quite dranatically by increasing total union membership fron 40,000 to 250,000, the ITOKL 100,000, It defeated conscription in a general strike and had in 1920 beaten the bosses in 1200 wage disputes covering 80,000 workers at a cost of ET, 250,000.

The Labour leaders could only offer then British tried to delude thenselves the police agents didn't see any For these and other reasons, ve can only say that the theory that it was only the post-lising executions and the attempt to introduce conscription bich allenated the masses from the government and the Home We endorse Lenin's criticism of tbe veteran Marxist Karl Radek who supported this type of explacation and referred to the Rising as a "Only those who imagine that in development, revolution ve He bad condemned Plekh- This did not impede him fron (Lesgown Of The Between going fram 5,000 to trade union politica so the worisers turned to Sinn Fein, got trapped in its insoluble contradiations, and vere denied treadom.

Until the revolutionary left grasps the full implications of this fact it will renain incapable of giring real Leadership to the workers.

The nost inportant lessons of the Rising for us today are that the unfinished national revalution remains at the centre of the class struggle and that the bourgeoisie sabotages it not because it is morally corrupt (although it certainly ia) but because it is fatally compronised by its links with Imperialisn.

This of course 1a an application of Trotsky's #original ain" of Permanent Revolution which cane to infect Ienin: "backward countries can go over to the soviet system and through certain stages of

BRO

to conmenism, without having to pass through the capitalist stage" (Selected Works, Moscow I975, p.599), As part of a celebration of the 60th. anniversais of the Russian will show in future issues of SOCIALIST REPUBLIC how Trotsky was proved correct in his assessment of the course of the revolution and bow Lenin had to fight to get this view accepted by the rest of the Bolshevik Fithout any hesitation we take the road of the two leaders of the Russthe Fourth International in expressing our solidarity with the Rising in spite of its limitations and repud ating all currents who downgrade the struggle for national liberation.

le are hostile to those who revive the cheories of pre First World war refernism by cinining that the workers will come to socialian as a result of their daily struggles and expect Protestants in the 'orth to be won from Orangeiam in this People of this opinion, wether they be the neo-Stalinist Official Sinn Fein, or tbe so-called Trotskydst Militant, repudiate social revolution and do not deserve the description "Harat" To socialista who take a principled stand on the national question we say must embrace Trotskyigm if they are to be consistent, and understand bor the rerolution in Ireland must be made permanent.

Even il partition starrers through the current assault che national problem in Ireland will boc go away.

the nemory or significance of the I916

WOMEN IN THE NORTHE

FIGHT BACK NOW

Vonenty sugazines are about chem, newspapers interviesed them, governments and charities vorldwide accalimed them.

Who vete they: Matread and Betty, the fighting vonen of the Nort 1 An article in "Cosnopolitan" (the trendy young woman'g "PLayboy") characterised letty as the sex symbol (I hate her because I fancy her, said the Provo in dark glasses) and Matread as the saintly symbol.

BUT WHO ARE THE FIGHTING WOMEN OF

THE NORTH?

It is the wonen of the Turf Ladze who chased the Brits out of the area.

wonen of Ballymurphy, Andersonstown, St. Jamests, Clonard, Twinbrook and cae New Lodge who initiated and are active in the Relatives Action Cosmiccees, leading marches, dentstrations, and all-fight vigils against the removal of politieal status. The vonen of the Roval Victoria Hospital, Lower Falls, striking against poor conditions of work and recently against incidents arising fron Army surveillance in the hospital. women of the Clonard who petitioned against the presence of the troops. Dolours and Marian Price, languishing in Jail. Taese women are not anly fighting but in many cases leading the struggle.

Look at any activity over the last 7 years and you will find wonen playing a leading role. They have been in the streets fighting the Brits, leading demonstrations, active in prisoner's aid comittees, watch on the barricades in the No-Go areas and so on.

INDPENDENT ACTIVITY IN THE ANTI-UNIOR-

IST AREAS

The initiation of the Relatives Action Cormit bee (RAG) in February 1976 V8S 8 sign of the direct participation of women in the struggle. It marked algo the begining of a retura to the The actions taken against the troops are Just praiseworthy, they ate tory not sharp political lessons which towards mass activity against war They shift the emphasis fron troops. the military tactics of the Provisionals to the day-to-day problens of the zett- The desons trations, vigils, and oes. meetings on politieal status touch the very heart of the British doppliticisation strategy. And this many women are very well aware of. They are critical of the orcanised Repuhlican movesent*s Lack of activity these quescions. 50, isolated in the bone, often the direct target for harrassment by the troops, bearing direct responsibility for their relatives suffering in jail while protesting against the loss of political status, women have taken their own palitical initiatives and forced others to take up these issues. The BaNTEN

FOR AN BOLAL POLITICAL ROLE IN THE STRICLE

The And vet the political inplications of their activicy as women are still essentially seen as secondany nan supportive. that go with woments role in the home, domestie commitments, lack of childcare and nursery facilities, lack of political experience and confidence in playing an equal decision-making role unchallenged. this contradictor sitution is that keeping meetings attended mainly by wonen arC still too often chained by sen.

Another is the action of 4 women Who padlocked Downing St. corner in Lonion.

loss of political status for Irist rolitical prisoners and to shon the plight of those who refused te accept tiris they chained cherselves streets. Cannon Row police station where they refused bail and the offer of clotling point the the According to an "Irish Nows" reporter they admitted causing an obstruction and sere conditionally discharged for 2 vears. represented in court, was quoted as saying they - "had curried out a peaceful protest and would have pleaded not guilty but all had lamly cormitments at bone" 11 detract from the importance of the initiative - shova by the 5,000 who attent the demonstration de d which demanded political status and was led bt these very same women.

FUR POSITIVE DISCRIMINATION

- Until women realise the inpartance of MY BROTHER TE Cra

DO YOU CARE TORN A

nany women are hesitant to see Their activities All the problens One exammle of Army"' therselves to cbe The 4 here taken to Wonents Day. activitr. One of the women. who wasnit This doesn't on Sunday Marth their ova Liberation their struggles will romain secondary and supportive.

Hones in Ireland are doubly oppressed, by inporigligm and as unpuid donestie seryatts in the home. This oppressian marks every aspect of their activity, atid must be seenas part and parcel of the struerle for socialian against impertalist domination. "The problens of wonen In capitalist soclety cannot and will not wait until same ideal point in tine in tbe future when a solution is found.

The drudgery of women, the oppression of children and the demand of both for their righcs is tbe concrete expression of capitalist brutality in Northern Ireland as mich as the British conta p s

INTERNATIONAL

March 8 1977 la the 57th. Interoational But how many women in Ire land know about it or wat it stands for International lonents Day was first ong aniged to draw nore waten into political It was called marking Wonen!

Perl and gimed at making nore voten consciaus of the undemocratic discriminatlon practiced against then, and helping thea realise chat they could themselves organise to change society.

THE EARLY HISTORY

Turing the international struggle for votes for women, Socialists in Xortb Anerica were particularly prominent.

On February 28 1907 the vomen socialiste of the ESA organised huge denonstrations all over the country demanding politieal rights for workine somen.

This vas the first women's Darn.

Tbe credit for. britiating, the «oments, TASS t belongs to the working wonen of America, In 19I0, at the Second International Conference of Socialist working wonen, Clara Zetkin brourht forward the question or oraanising an Intercation l Working Wonen's Day. It was decided to bald the firar day on Narch I9 I9IT.

Ids date was not chosen at random.

On March I9 IS45 the Prussian king recogaised for the first time the strearth of the armed people and gave way before

Censorship and Pornography During the last decade in Southern Ireland, many literary classics have leen banned as indecent or obscene naterial.

The Censorship Of Publications Board has exposed the real implications of censorship, in its thoroughly arbit- Tary banning of literature.

beard, established in I929 and made up of five people, decides on the basis of their own individual noral rievs, what is suitable reading naterial for everyone else. The Cenorship Of Publications Act gives an alnost "carte blanche" to the board to review anything which may be considered "indecent or obscebe!

or advocates "prevenion of conception by unnatural methods". conplaint of any one individual, the board reviews all wterial within this Irasevork.

"PORNOGRAPHYN AND SEXUAL REPRESSION

Allied to the problem of the completely undenocratic 1s the whole issue of pornography. How can we truly say, In a pertissive society, what is and is not pornographlet Those ased to the present censorship board cannot avoid this question.

a mixture of views on the issue.

react against the open portrayal of the physical expressions of hunan insaur pomom first column pe We must be careful these reactions, for the difference clearly indicates what our attitude should bet the problen posed for revolutionaries is to be able to illustrate clearly the real nature of pornography; human sexuality is essentially an expression of purselves, a participation ve experlence and share. raply" 1s based on the inability of

WOMENS DAY

the threat of a proletarian uprisang; the German women at the conference richod this date. Its success exceded all expectations.

Germeny and Austria alive with meetings. toms and villages. largest demonstration exceeded 30,000.

In I913 International lonents Day was cransferred to the Wonent Day in Kurope and America had ananine resulta. It turned out an excellent method or agitation altongst huge numbers of vonen towards political ideas for the first Women's Day has served yot another function, the interational solidarity of women throughout tbe

WOMEN AND THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION

or fundanental us it gave to the heroir voten of Perrograd who marched on February 23 D9I7 "bread for our children" and demanding mche return of our husbands fran the Ibe ween, some vere varktrenches". the wives of soldiers, misers, gone ed the torch of proletarian revolution and set the worla on fire.

ruary Revolution narks Its beginnings from thia - as Trotsky described it: *.....a mass of vonen, not all of them workers, The owti bodles. Acting on the nacure of censorship sexually who are opp- There 1s Some fite to distinguish between one hand, "Portog- "populatian" in particular were eveh In the In Austria the anding Eth, of March. ta be ocracy or war turning out victims. nighttall..". it has strengthened Revolution). Importance isthe inpetcone ression, wo share resist fight. The Reb- Russia in the miary flocked to the Municipal else numan beings to participate in their own sexuality ad reduces the role of humanity to that of an audience.

is the allenation of human belues fron their ova sexuality that hir husiness financially exploits. This becomes most obvious in the case of wonen, Whose sexuality 1s repressed nost acutely in class society, by denying then the right to control their In nost "pornographic material, At Is the portrayal or vonen as sex objects, as the recipients oF male pleasure, which largely fills all the pages.

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH'S HOLE

confusion on this Issue is inevitable and it has cone to the surface in the widely diverging reactions to the recent explosive growth of censorship.

a church-dominated atate where relielous control of education da almost absolater where the media have histor- Ically been inculcated with the values of Catholicism; where the pelities of Church and State are Intertwined; the result has been the entrechnent of a sexually repressive society.

Set against a background of a country divided, exploited and oppressed by British Imperialign the strength and historical role of the Catholic Church into perspective, Shifting beturen the doutle role of political ally of imperialian and noral policenen at the Catholic masses, the Church in Ireland remains a poverful political force.

Today that relationship Is coning under a lot of pressure from the realities of the econonic and social crisis.

the continuing instability in the North coupled with the threatened explosion, set against Tuna demanding bread. It was like den milk from a he-goat, Red banners appeared in different parta of the city.

and inscriptions on them shoved tite workers wanted bread, but neither aut- Nonents Day Passed successfully with enthusiass and with- But what it concealed within itself no one even guessed by (History Of The Hussian

CELEBRATIONS IN IRELAND

International Wonents Tay In Ireland provides us with an opportunity to together, learn about our oppand all forms of experience in a country divided and dominated by Impertalist pover.

should not miss the opportunity.to our oppression in a united (N.B, In I9I7 the calendar used in was different to the obe used of the vorld ao that Fobrest 23 there March B everyubere wiLS foroed gone sections of tlie It suffer, veapon of censorship. In and some of which question ecy- Sections of the petty bourgeoisie firmly and be posed at a time structures within socinty social pressures.

FISHTINO HACK

Those ineluded in the rabge from people involved Jons of the have respanded to with rigour. On the the censorship laws. the used to hit all ing lodication Radio. and Gay Rigbts novenent,

FIGHT FOLI

We and/ar financial support.

Send sta beneath to a statenent of protest.

SARAR HARPER

background of growing unraplayment has bourgeoisie in the direction of "liberalising" the Southero stater on the other hand the burgeoning women's movement in its denands for contraception and divorce, has given expression to the increasing avarebess among voten of the oppression they Sectiens of the ruling class know well, as do the Carbolic hierarchy, that in cines of great econonic and gocial uphearal, the authoritarian intluences of Church and State cone under great strain an sections of the working class begin to seek solutioos to their problens.

The response of the Bourgeoisle to this possibility has been to begin to use the Therefore we are able to see the implications of the banning of the Farily Planning booklet, Fear Of Flying, Spare Rib, and Gay News, a11 of which deal with human sexuality Iranework the of the family and wonen's role in gocibourgeoisie and obviously believe that these questions must not all the basic wile ti are reeling under the strains of economic and censarship net in voluntary contracepcion services to sectwinents notement, ate latest attacks the Irishwonen linited has called for a right against the recent banning of Spare Rih and an end to Support has come fron the Family Planning Services, Irish day Rights Movement, tbe Union of Students in Ireland and several colleges throughout hiblin.

The true nature of censorship, wiieh 1s sections which threaten either implicitly or explicicly the stabflier of bourgeois society, is an impellthe need to involve the broadest possible range of forces, it ve are ta be free fron the influence of undenocratic moral policenen.

The rocent seminar on censorship held by the Irish Couned of the National Union of Journalists (NUJ) sbows tbe groving cancern of many nedia workers ahout the widespread use of political censorship, particularly on TV and The fact that tho NDJ Has taken up this issue is a step forward tut on its aun is ebriously not enouch.

The repeal of tbe 1929 Act and the aholition of censorship in Ireland vill take the combined effort of all those sections, in the vonents novenent, the neta workers, Fanily Planning Clinics harled up by the strength of the labour movement.

Resolucions through student intous, trade unions, etc.hrsnchos for affillatian to the anti-censorship canpalga Get your organisation to held zeetings, picketri etc. in support of the campaign.

the Dress. Call on TBts, councillors ete, to siga

Charter 77 Adherents Egypt: Workers Shake Sadat Fierce repression froes Caechosion akin's ruling clique has hit dissi denta who signed the Charter 77 salement in January bringing protests from around the woeld, But the attacks have not stopped the Charter from gaining new support in Crechoslovakia itself.

Initially signed by 242 intellectuals and supporters of the former Dubcek regime cousted by Soviet and Warsow Fael troops in 1968) the Charter has now been sigaed by at least an additional 208 people, it was announcid February 5. The document Eata democratie righta violated by the Husak regime, calling for observance of guarantees in the Heisinki and the country constitution acoonds Charter 7T, the doeument states, "is bot an "We are dying of hunger anyway.

No kill us with vour bullets Sadat."

Wich such debant chants, Calro workers and youth refused to boek down and disperse during mid January riots.

Many paid the price. For the first time ince 1902 whan widespreed rioting beralded i fall of King Faruk, the army was used massively againat the perple. Thoops occupled Cairo, basting raped into the nicht The official death toll Th dead and wounded Unditical estimates wire thene times horker. The protests were not the first, but thieg were the sagriest and moss politieal in recest years. At the behest of the International Monetary Fund, Egypt had decreed the suspension of food sobaidies January 17. Boctled propane, widely need for cooling and heating, was to cast 46 percent more, four 63 percent, rice 16 pereent, meat 26 persent.

The price increases came on sop of already appalline social conditions.

The minimum wage ean bus neither meat nor leatber aboes. Inflation runs at 50 noW percent per year. There are 2,5 people per Footr and few social services in a sprawiing.

spealid Cairo of 7 million people. In the countryside, life expectancy in bess than 40

THATS

IMP scaterity demands were. a virtual death sentence for millione of Eeyptian workers, peasants and arhan poor, who could already barely afford to ent Foreign corespondests deseribed the reaction as 'virtual insurrection". Rioting flared in other cities, Including Alexandrin Sues, and centres in upper Bype and the Nile Delta. The revolt was sprecedessed in scope and pointed in its targets Mang of Світо's leadine marisclube. symbols of Egypt's vast social inequality and planground to parasitie local connies and weathy foreigners, were put to the torch.

In Alexandria, dock workers sacked the heme of the vice-president.

In Cairo the headquarters of the ruling Arah Socialis Unice were destroyed Sadar had ecle choice hut to hark down.

The food subeidies stared. The masses would organisation It.. does not coastisute a basis or poiltital opposition work, it seeks to serva he general interests as do many similar ssociations, both east and west. It does not atesd so. propose changes, bot within its bere to curry on a constructive diniogue with the atate authoribes. in partier it seek to do this by drawing attention to the various concrete cases od violacion of human and eivil rights." The Charter's wins is thus a "discussion" rather then building a clear-cut opposition to the bureaueroes. Por tbe Coeth buresueracy, however, Lhis makes no difference. Any opposition in a prosest and internal dissent.

threat to their political monopoly. Bo the Initial resction to Charter Te appearance was mase arresia. Over 100 supportees weee detained in the first few weeks of January.

Moet were released shortis alter, but sot before interrogations, warchas and eonfiscat.

mancecripts, lecters and ocher of JOns materials. Even aller release, Chartee supporters Ted harasment and re-arrest.

Leading figures such as playright Pavel Kahul were Invited to leave the country. A few have been charged under the section of the Constitution dealing with treason, raising the specire of politieal trame up trials.

Simultaneously, the regime launched a campulas of crude Stalinist elanders te discredit Charter signers. They were labelled "bankrupt politicians", "bourgeois degener at, To pay doe It. Sadar went to his albies 1 Sauli Arabix and the Golf oil sheikdume an Us imperialism. He rot a Sow million dollars tom the ail sales of crumbs Recumizing the need to stave off a disaster and maintain the regime's stabilhy, the IMF may well cough up a loan.

But even while offering a carroc, Sadar prepared a club that would allow him te strike against the masses living standards.

The Communist Party and the Smiet Union were hiamed fre inciting riots. The Expcian Communist Party, the Commust Workers party, the Revolutionary Current and lte January Blb Novement were targeted for been seised. On February 8, Budat amounced a Joceed labour Soe life. Cognitionasta but also the Nasserists military defeat at the hands of Israel, failure of Namerism than the corrupt and and 1950% Nasser attempted so pursue a netionnlist course and introduced "socialist" осовотіе пивногня. Ву 196), most But the capitaliat state remained. While che state sector of the monomy swelled, so did emberous of the new ruling class which would reap the prodile. purging lett Nurse. waiting caibeacos of imperialism.

ales", "zionists", and so al. A spontaneous proteet statement was also launched, which Individuals were told to sign lotter wilhout having seen the stacements or alak liming their jobs. But the hursucracy'& campaign bocklieod, subjecting il to growing incernational Internationally, the ruling class bas calen up the-case - for their own purposes, of course. They wait to use this as ancher example od the undemocratie nature od socialism in Eastern Surope.

Bat there has also been aignificant support in che workers movement and progrieve quarters. While a few hard line Stalinise Communist Parties including tbe Canadian CT) costinue to denounce the Charter, the major Western Buropean CPs Save been foroed to speak out against the персняніц. Charter T7 has also roceived political sapport from the Polish Committen to Defend the Workers set the repression hil workers in that country who struck to protest price isereases lost June.

This suppers reflecta growing front and peivate incestors aba the prome of no Further natiocalisations Prevlously natinalised sectors such as melallungs.

bankine and insurance were opened to Joreton espical.

Three years later, Sadat's plans are in ruins. Despite the attempte at seduction, foreign capital has noc rushel in, because of concern abopt political stability, the absence of hase requiremists Harluding deles talitieal and the Egyptian burpiday's corruptite. For Faypd's riers, the only solution is n furt hee doeline in worker and peasant living standards, But if pumes at an asward time.

The bloom has long gone from the rise of Mob Deeing Cairo Bist Pollee.

Fight Repression cribeal links between opposition forees in Eastern Europe. Despite the increasing repression the more politically adranced Holish Committee has conlined ta work meeting money for jailed ur fired workees.

It's growing support has sparked oppositice in other Eastern Europnan osuntries.

As a result of the peotels, the Crech rea tose has been foreed to chape Ra tune Under increasing international pressure lincluding an upcoming Belgrade conference to disrues implementation of the Helsinki assonal and facing growing internal boscuity lindluding from hundreds of thousands of CP membere expelied after 1968l the hysterseal rantings agains Charter T? have been tomed down.

A new publir campairo has begun, streasing the real acoomplishments od "acialism" while arguing agamet a return co the poises of the in 1068, Hut thie Loo is unlikeh to sueceed in e context -of increasing economic problems, continued repression of dissidents, and most importantydeveloping oppositional eur reace throughout Basern Europe.

P. NIGHTINGALE

Sadat's partial victory te the Cetober. 1900 WAr. American imperialism hea set presured Isrsel into accepting a pesos stilement.

despite the fart chat Eppe har lowed its bood, jaiting with Arab reaction to alast the Badet Bas Mortgaged Erspe to 009 imperialism for nothing, but the sicuation in not yes secure. Workers in this beartland of the Arab proletariat have written in biond that they want no more of the misceable Their vas, anger sanares they will regime. TiNe REain.

On February 4[977 Anthony Cronin Informed the readers of "The Irish Tines" that *.. while Treland could be Ireland vithout the Triah language, it couldnte be, in any recognisable sense, anything at all without a literature, in whichever language." Which nukes you wonder what sort of methad for assessing nat- Ionality they use around the "Irish There you have Holland, now.

Times", with little to apeak of in the vay of literature, yet nobody has been casting any doubts on Dutch nationality lately.

Switzerland, too, seens to be holding together fairly well, despite having little to boaat of by vay of 1lterature.

FOUR LANGUADES, FOIR «ATTONST

5o, you don't need a literature to be a nation. What about a language?

In Switserland, they speak four and still get away with calling thenselvos a nation. English is the most widely spoken language in Britain, the U.5., Australia and Canada, yet nobody suggests that theytre all one nation although people sonetines suggest that because English is the dominant everyday language In Ireland, wo are theretore Britiah. Funny psychology as vars Chere. so, a set of people can still con stitute a nation without having a not able literature and without speaking unique language. An Leon Trotsky put it: #...the Swiss people, through feel their historical connection, themselves, despite different laneuazes and religion, as one nation. An abstract criterion is not decisive in but much more decisive this question, is the historical consciousness, thear foelines and their inpulses.

But that also is not determined aceidentally but rather by the general conditions."

Ceon Trotsky on Hack NationaLint and Self-Detentination pi6) Anthony D.

Sidth, in his scholarly study, Theorles veltest "...there is DE Nationalian, no doubt that linguistie honogenelty and distinctiveness is an invaluable vehicle and symbol of nationhood and ration-formation; but it would be misleading to consider it either a suff- Ilent or a necessary nark of the ethnic nation." (p220)

GAELIC LEAGUE

Thus, Irish language literature as essential to Trish nationality. literature have been experiencing lean times for many decades now, yet Irish nationality has. years, asserted itself with renoved vigour in the strungle arginst British occupation of the Six Counties.

to revive the Irish language and to develop the literature of the country tends to strengthen and enhance our nationality generally, and, in particular, Ly political aspects of the struggle against British domination land vice versa). an exanination of the period leading up to 1916 and the lar of Independence.

Pearse wrote In 1914: "I have wain and again that when the Gaelic League was founded in 1893 tbe Irish revolution began." the 1916 Proclamation were members of the coiste guo of the Gaelle League.

Consollyrg attitude was described in an intervlev which his daughter, Nora fight Anthony Cronin Connolly-OtBrien, gave to the "Trish Tines" (24/4/76); "One day her Tataer told her and her sister Mona that he was taking them to a place where the y would learn their nativo language. le took them to a Gaelic Leaque class off High Street.. Be could read Irish but did not attempt to speak it.

1916:

ALL YEATS'S FAULTI

Elsewhere, Coolly condemne those Like todays British & Irish Cannwho, unist Organisation, believe that Empertalist oppression and cultural domination sonehow belp the cause of Socialisn.

He wrote that: "..nations which subnit apposed to discreet behind-closeddoors lobbying. Studenta: A large Meeting of the Civil Libertios Action Crous in UOD in February was militant and farreaching in its condemationer Carda such meatlogs, offering perspectives for extending into Joint action with other sectors of society, ing action to other colleges, and taking up the tight within the student representative bodies.

Wonent: Hayment: Haily speakers at the Irishwonen United meetine on Censorship in the Mansion House on February 28th placed the harming of Spare Ribt in the context of the growth of state repression, as did the fact of an IMt nilitant being held under the emergency lana for putting up posters about the meeting.

The woments novenent can play an inportant role in bringing its veirit and energies to bear in the stmuggle The Murray Defence Cannitton: Early in its campaign the Murray Defence Domnittee (NOC) nade approaches to many organisations and individuals for support for its demands.

Debate on the Irish Language part of the anti-imperialist to conquest or races wilich abandon their language in favour of that of an oppressor do so...from a slavisit and cringing spirit. which cannot exist side by side with the revolutionary idea." As with the Gaelie League, 80 too with the Irish Literary Revival.

Yeats, as be lay dying, asked himself!

"id that play of mine send out/ Certain men the English shot? Canor Cruise D*Brien, that sad representative of the most clapped-out elements of thr Irish petit-bourgeoisie, huilds on this in order to put a large share of the responsibility for 1916 on Teats'a Cathleen Ni Houlthan. The reason for this exceeration is to justify big own acts of censorship today (when was the last time you heard "Kelly or killane" on Radio Eireann?) I wouldn't go along with 0*Brien's exaggeration, but I do believe that the Literary Revival enhanced the sense of separate identity amone the Irish peoples - in TrotskyTs words: "the historical consciousness, their feelimpulses." This is as ins and their valid for the Irish people as it is for Hlacks in che OSA to be inapired by the works of James Baldwin.

It Is wrong of Anthony Cronin (who 1s usually nore perspicacious tban this to upgrade the development of our literature at the expense of the langunge novement. Both have a substantial contrihution to take, not least to one another, and the sooner evertone in both camps (1l you can describe then as separate camps) realises it, the better.

Indeed, Cronto's proposition becones slightly ludicrous when you recall chat a substantial propartion of our contenporary literature in in Irish - sonthing that would never bave happened without the language novement.

Cronin should also resenber that there are other arts besides literature.

TAN SEABHAC STULACH"

It must seize the opportunities non opened up on the question of brutality; and it must approach these organisatfons again. It is not so much a Batter of getting a speaker from, say, che ICCI on an DC platform, ad to get the denanda taken up within the pembership of such orgamisations, National Association of Tenanta Orrisations: On the basis of che resolutions passed at the last national conference of NATO, militants should fight for aupport for action against state repression, as wis successfully done by the Linerdek Anti-Hepression Conmittee on tha yuestion of the Murrays and capital Republienus and the Left: For Provos to merely permit individaigns such as the Hurray Defence campaigo is not enough. Militant nepublicans must fisht for the connittient of their organisation to such campaigns, at local and national level, ind both republican and soctalist organisations must see the centrality of intervening in all sectors of political struggle to raise the demands that can begin a determined and concerted tiaheback.

RepublIcans and socialists are being beaten up while held for questioning in both the Six Counties and the Tventy- Six. Political prisoners - North, and in Britain - are being subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment.

What in new about this situation ig not that it exists, but that goveroment denials that it exista are now received with overwhelming disbelief.As a result, the governnents' strategies that lie behind the use of brutality threatened with a setback.

are Last year, the Leinster House goyernnent hijacked Frank Stage's funeral, banned the Provo 1916 demo, brought in new represaive laws. In June, the Hurrays were sentenced to death, convicted on the basis of confessions which they asserted were extracted by torturer and the Marray Dezonce Com- Itteets demands found little support in the face of the onslaught of state repression.

FIGHTING BACK

Sinon then, the clinate has changed.

Despite the boatile environsent, the Murray Defence Cormittee has mintained an energetio campaiga, winning significant international support, the death sentence no longer hangs over Noel Murray, and Narle Murray has son a retrial. The energency laws did not pass unchallenged: workers in several areas marched in protest against them.

the reality of the laws has becone and more apparent to many who were loclioed to dianiss their inportance.

Over the last rear, between the Departnent or Justice the legal profession has deteriorated.

In the view of many lawyere the methoda of the state in securing convictions have threatened to expose the whole concept of legal "justice" in Irish society. In rapid succession, Hoey, Madden and Stenson have been released, and each of the releases has been implicitly a rejection of the more "unorthodox! nethods of achleving convictions. Such methods have backfired to the extent that. Mr Cooney saw fit to advise Gardai pullicly against being Toverzealoug!.

OPPORTUNITIES

Then came the "Trish Times" articles.

The details were not new; what was new was that a respectable baurgeois daily paper had published the material.

The potential for a real fightback against state repression is greater now that it has been for gone time.

Particular, tbe demands of the Murras Defence Comittee gain new force in relation to police brutalier.

State repression has not been halted or pushed back, but goverment strategy has received a jalt - a jolt that can be transforned ince a maJor setback not Just for the Leinater House government

STOP HOLLER

STOP

POLICE

COPS

South but for British strategy as well.

suppression, intinidation and violence directed workers in the North is be no the whole of British strategs, On the contrary, The class in the Six Countles has come up against the linits Inposed by its septher isolating and suppressing that revolt - and that entails the thorouch repression of anti-Imperiallat forces in the South. It is in the context of the centrality of Southern state repression in British strutegy that antito exploit the current sitution.

irve that a simple set of lenands in relation to the repression can be uniformly presented in all sectors of polthe relationship establish wat are the demands witch BILd the Hurray Defence Committee gata new -force, do the grounds af the allegations of police tarture in the Hurrays case, HURRAYS; but this demand should not that they were convicted without jury trial, espectally in the context of the revelations regarding fingerprint evidence and otber unorthodox!

NON-JURY DOURTS.

In of the state. The against the anti-anionist the suppression of republican and socialist forces in the 26 Counties is an casential part of British policy.

revolt of the Catholic working olutionarles aration fron the Southerworking class.

British Imperialism is intent upon furimperialists must seize the opportunity While it would be mechanteal to belstruggle, it is inportant to can take the struggle against reprossion As we have mentioned, the demands af and with the precedent of Honan Stenson's demand mant be to FREE THE draving attention to the fact so most demand AN END TO Garda technical bureau. "Hear Gaor 1 bored As ve have said on many occasions in the past, we appose the Forcible Entry Aet, the Offences Against the State Acts, the Criminal Lav Jurisdiction Aot, etc, otc, And we demand AN END TO ALL REPRESSIVE LAWS, And the particular aspect of the vat array of such lave that is thrown into clearest focus by the revelations about Barde brutaLity is the 7-Tay Detention provision. It is quito obvious to lange numbers or people that few could keep up their resistance to signing a fake confession after such a period of intimidation and torture. So, so damand AN END TO 7-DAY TETENTION; and ve add the demand that all confessions and statenents should be signed not only the person charged but alse by a lavyer; and that a lawser or other independent witness should be present during interrogation. It 1a by raising such demands 45 widely as possible that we can aid the growth of consciousness as to the actual realicy of the repressive lave hand, vorkers have mobilized agalost repressive laws, both through trade union bodies and at local and factory level, On the other hand, the various trade unions and the ICTU have passed resolutions against repression, but chese resolutiong have not been transand all tbose within the labour movement committed to class strugale must be to vock to generalise spontaneous expressions of resistanoo by vorkers, and mist be to press for trade union-sponsored meetings, marches, One example of how to raise the question of repression in the trade unians can be given in relation to brutality The Ninister for Justice has refused permission for Labour TDg visit Portlacise; militaats should push for a trade union fact-finding nission to viste the prisons where they wauld bear first-hand accounts of the allegations of brutalier. The Irish Council for Civil Liber- Iles: No one can be under any ilLusions that the burcaucratic leadershin of the Jock wishes to advance political denis through direct action.

bave an exclusively parliamentarian and legalistic perspective. All the same, many members and supporters of the ICCI do not. see parliament and the only areas where effort should be directod. It is important to tind ways of placing before the supporters of the loch che perspective of public action against the staters represaive policies, as cont pil 5e. John's Road, Kingebridge, Dublin, where the nucleos of the