Socialist Republic: Vol. 4 no. 9, November 1981

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC

Vol 4 No 9 November 1981 United Ireland There is no doubt that the last two years of the H Block/Armagh struggle have opened up a whole new phase of the struggle for national liberation. The tremendous determination of the prisoners and the gains for the Campaign have pushed back the Brits" criminalisation policy.

The undemocratie nature of the Northern state has once again been illustrated to the world. The antiimperialist movement, throuch united action and mass work, has gained ground. But it would be wrong to say we have defeated the Brits offensive.

The five demands were not won.

We remain weak in relation to the bourgeois parties. Despite the dents we made in their political armour, especially through election victories, the SDLP, Fianna Fail and the Coalition are becoming increasingly involved in Britain's plans for the North - and getting away with it.

BLUESHIRT CRUSADE'

We have upped the stakes in the fight for Irish freedom. But our enemies, British imperialism and the gombeen 'nationalist parties are calling the shots. Fitzgerald's around the Constitution 'Crusade Is the flist steo. What is at stake here is the whole issue of purtition and Irish unity. Fitzgerald is soon to meet Thatcher.

He joins the Unionists in waiting at Britain's table. And what is on offer is: There's nothing like killing two birds with one stone, or so Jim Kemmy would have us believe.

For on one historic day, that much exposed (by the media) "defender of the working people" voted for increasing unemployment and against democracy. When the Dail divided for the vote on moving the writ for the Cavan, Monaghan by-election, Keriny voted against. His reason? Those who voted for Kieran Doherly were or United

SELL-OUT

* an Anglo/Irish Council (read possible re-integration with Britain) * a new Northern Ireland Assembly (more unionist rule)

BRITISH OFFENSIVE

We should be clear about what is happening now. These Talks represent a political offensive by Britain in alliance with the gombeen nationalists. It is an attempt to rescue the SDIP and strengthen the hands of the Coalition and to claw back the gains made by the campaign.

It is above all, an attempt to carve out a political role for these forces and to push the anti-imperialist movement back into political defeat. We must reject any sottlements based on Partition by the Coalition or any returned Fianna Fail governmenr.

It will be our lack of direction that will increase the ground for political manoeuvre by these forces. The current bombing campaign in London is a case in point. It will only squander our gains and confuse and demoralise the southern workers who gave so much support to the hunger strikers.

There are steps we can take immediately to stand our ground; there are plans we can make for the coming months.

AGAINST PARTITION

Firstly we can defend nur legitimacy and our political credibility by defending our campaign and our militunts. The cases of the Belfast 34 and the Embassy 20 should he a rallying poont for all antiimperialists. Kemmy Against Democracy Mr Kemmy, is for the people of the constituency to decide that what elections are all about?

No votes for the people and no jobs either, What else could be concluded when Kemmy also voted to close the Tuam factory - on of "tiodine alternative empioyment for the area? But of course, Mr Kemmy doesn't believe in the people making their own decisions otherwise he would have asked the Tuamn Sugar workers how they feel about losing their jobs! (see article on Tuam Warden Fishthan none 9

POBLACHT SHOISIALACH

and against partition should he a second priority. This would enable as to take our opponents head on and prepare to challenge them in their fight for political power Counties by the Coalition Government's committee on and already prices have risen by 20%. Clearly the hattle is on to push down workers' not of their making. This is the scenario facine trade unionists as the ICTU sit around the conference table to discuss a to discuss the collapse of the "National understanding'. In now say was over "generous") over 15 months while in the samne 6%. Real earning power had - isn't declined by 119. The non-pay aspects of that agreement (on employment, maternity leave, working hours, taxation, social the trade union signatures of the agreement. all pull together for the national interest. Meanwhile the "national" interest is being decided by the Unity around a broad anti-imperialist programme in defence of Trish unity North and South. A wage norm of 6.5% has been proposed to workers in the 26 "costs and competitiveness".

The employers are continuing to demand a total wage freeze standards of living in an attempt to deal with an economic crisis workers received 15% in wage rises period inflation pushed prices up by welfare, health, education, etc) were dropped hefore the ink had dried on In the face of the curreni economic rocession, we have been told we must Coulition cabinet, Their economic perspective has two major thrusts.

Paper of PEOPLES' DEMOCRACY

UNITY AGAINST

through the coming elections The anti-imperialist movement can take big steps forward - If it is willing and prepared to take the opportunities opening up.

Fightback Against Employers down public sector wages (thus giving example to the private sector wanes emplovers) and by preventing the creation of now employment in the public sector (the Gardai have of course been an exception to this rule).

This will seriously increase unemployment since workers who retire or leave state employment will not be replaced. Also industry which depends on public spending for a lot of its income. will actually sack workers. For example the refusal of permission to build new schools and hospital wines not only adversely affects education and health but threatens the jobs of workers in the construction industry. 2) To cut workers living standards in order to improve Ireland's 'compe titiveness. This is an unsubtle way of saying Lat unemployment is caused by workers winning wage claims thus forcing employers out uf business.

The crisis in Irish industry's competi- Liveness abroad has nothing to do with wage rates, Germany, Sweden and Britain all have higher standards of livine than Ireland. The Irish crisis is one of undercapitalisation of industry, a direct result of British anperialist controt of the Irich economy.

The Irish bourgeoisie lacked the independence to build its own capital infrastructure. Instead they specu- Jated unproductirely on the London stock exchange or they invited in foreign multinationals whose sole interest was to boost their profits by high grant aid and low labour 15p 20p outside Ireland

COLLABORATION

REPRESSION

EMBASSY 20, BELFAST 34:

DROP

the CHARGES! See page 6 for details Irish workers in the 26 counties are being asked to acoept responsibility for chis economic recession and as "penance" to accept higher unemcloyment and lower living standards Now that it has become evident that the FUE intends to resist real wage increases responsibility falls heavily on the shoulders of the trade union leaders to defend workers interests. The ICTU should set about organising a real plan of campaign to meet the effects of the recession - a programune of industrial and independent political action to secure a realistic wage increase that includes an inflation index clause.

The ICTU originally set out to negotiate a 30% wage increase. They must now be forced to sick to the target. They must he compelled to give full backing to any union or group of workers who launch a fight against the employers and the

TECHNICI

IN THIS ISSUE:

LESSONS OF THE

HUNGER STRIKE

CPI LINE ON

H BLOCK/ARMAGH

WOMEN IN THE

SIX COUNTIES

REAGUN'S

MISSILE MADNESS

The Hidden Face of the Fine Gael Tax Plan

PAGE 2 SOCIALIST REPUBLIC

"In no way is sugar beet an economie proposition if we look at it from a purely accountancy Do provide employment going (Scan Lemass, Dail, 1933) *There were other considerabons that would compensate for any monetary loss in the Cropaction of the Sugar Beet (Paddy Belton, FG, claiming credit for his forerunners as the party who atroduced beet production).

"We come to open factories, not to close factories." (FG election promise in Tuam) A fact-finding delegation from Americk's radical paper the Bottom Dog, recently visited Tuam and the town's sugar plant which is earmarked for closure next year. JOE HARRINGTON, member of the delegation sent the following report to Socialist Republic. I politicians " promises could be alien at face value then these ments would make Tuam r factory one of the most employments in Ireland. In- - Tuam depends for its survival de Workers Action Committee ep by the Sugar Plant employces ordinate the efforts being made save the jobs. ruggle of the workers to preas the closute of their plant can be described as desperate se a lot of talk about providing tative employment in the town, et spoke to Vincent Gaffeny, and my U Mea icE the Workers Action Committee, they made it clear that the workers placed no value on the i given to provide The Coalition won office with the carrot of tax reform. Now that Garrett's crew has been in power three months, people are beginning to realise that behind the carrot has been the dreaded he stick. me Gael presented the tax reform ackage as a progressive move to elp the lower paid. In an RTE interew Fitzgerald summed it up as lows: We are transferring from e tax system to another, one lich takes relatively more from the tter off people with high incomes d gives more moncy and leaves ote purchasing power to the less l-off."

SAME STRATEGY -

TWO VERSIONS

It takes a lot of hard neck to claim that indirect taxation on essential consumer poods is more "progressive' han tax on income, It is universally ccepted by economists that the opposite is true. Indirect taxation takes a higher share of workers' spending power because it is concentrated on essential consumer goods which workers spend a higher share of their income on. At the same time that Fitzgerald was lying through his teeth on RTE, John Bruton was letting the car out of the bag in an "Trish Tires' intervlew. Asked if "indirect taxation would not hit the lower income groups", Bruton frankly admitted T wauk accept the argument that there is this disadvantage to Indirect taxation; that it tends to be recressive."

HOW IT WILL WORK

The reality can be seen in FC's TUAM: Support The Workers Struggle For Jobs who would be glad to avail of any alfernative jobs. In fact, in the Tuam area there are 2,200 jobless while 10 advance factories have stood idle in rural Galway for the past two years."

VIABILITY

Amongst townspeople we also found a healthy suspicion of multi-nationals.

One person made the comment, We could ict our sugar plant IDA multi-national providing a couple of hundred jobs only to see it skip the country on the fiest midnight Night out of Knock" The decision to close the Tuam plant cane as a surprise to its workforce.

Officially, economic viability was not the only consideration when setting up the Tuam factory and given the on the plan to 25% will cost at leust E500m.

That sum is about half of what is currently collected through indirect taxes. This means that the price of food, clothes, school books, entertainment etc will rise dramatically if income tax is replaced by indirect tax. On the other hand the lower paid who do not pay any income tax or: who are only on the 25% rate will receive no concessions to help them meet the new price rises.

Various econornists have ostimated that Fine Gael's tax package will add 896 to the cost of living. That is the same as an 896 tax on every penny a worker spends without any Laxfree allowunces to cushion it. What a worker will lose through this.is clearly considerably more than he or she will pin by a l0f income tax reduction, which by the way, only applies to that part of the wage packet not spent on dependents, mortcages, ete. Eyewitness Report

STOP BENG S0

DEVIOUS TIM OR

You'll HAVE uS

BOTH PUT OUT

ABOVE: Joe Sherlock and Jim Kemmy on their way to Leinster House Joe has been condemned by the workers for blaming their job loss on the farmers. Jim bas voted to close the sugar factory and support unemployment.

18155. When Michael O'Leary introduced ""Workers Participation" into statesponsored bodies during the last Coalition governent many heralded it as a hig step forward for workers. Yet, as far as the Tuam workers are concerned the workergo for an director experiment fell at its first hurdle, Baund up by rules, regulations and company secrecy, the workerdirectors failed to alert those they were supposed to represent to the impending closure announcement.

The Tuam workers have protested strangly to their worker directors over this, pointing out that had they known of the closure plans they would have heen able to lobby enough support on the Board to prevent the closure decision being taken.

Fileen Desmond of Labour - participating in the Fine Gael con trick plans which has not received as much public attention as the problem of indirect taxation. This concerns the elifect of the tax system on upomploy.

Unemployment has traditionally been viewed by omplayers and governments as a weupon for forcing down wages. Throughout Europe the use.

of unemployment in the fight to muke workers pay for capitalism's crisis has made a dramatic comeback.

Employers and politicians io Ireland are onto the same trick. In the Irish context, unemployment is a blant weapon. The area where it has the most effect is in skilled and semi-skilled employment. But the social welfare system, with pay.

related benefits, cushions workers precisely in these areas, Unemployed workers can afford to hold out until they can get a suitable job with a roasonable wage. Wages and condi- WE'll KEEP

THE RED...

WHITE AND 3446.

FLAG FLYING

HERE

in Tuam." rive it the chop. On top of this, Sugar Company emplovees were represented on the Board by four worker-directors elected by the workers from their own records show this. sun of C13. reduce their wages. The Workers Action Committee told us that they will fight to the bilter end to keep the factory open. They are drawing up plans aimed at incrcasing the beet acreage in the area, while, at the same time, not conceding that their plant has to he economically viable to justify its continued existence, They have been far from pleased with the hearing given to their case by the government. They described to us their experience in the "corridors of power' In unfamiliar and intimidating surroundings they put forward their point of view Lo a Taoiseach and Ministers who hadn't the manners to even listen politely, wito seemed to think it beneath them to respond to the points raised and who were intent only on outlining their own solution - closure within a year, This decision, the workers feel, will cut across their efforts to increase the beet acreage in the west as farmers will he reluctant to become involved in something which could be wrapped up in 12 montils time.

At the time of our presence the Tuam workers were awaiting the outcome of a Fianna Fail motion in the Dail The motion called on the government "to take every step necessary to maintain sugar heet production ...

In the lone run, even if the motion had passed, Tuam jobs would still not be safe, Both the Coalition and Fianna Fail base thernselves on a private enterprise systemn that puts profits before people. Despite all the crocodile tears shed by Fianna Fail it is obvious thut MacShany, the Agricalture Minister in the Fianna Fail government, knew that the closure was in the pipeline. Company In the last analysis the fate of Tuam rests with the Trade union movement and the forces it can mobilise in support of the workers' ›an. On one level, the ficht to save Tuam can become a focus for a trade union campaign against unemployment and thereby begin to shift the role of trade unions in redundancy sitations from one of helpless bystanders to active opponents of this "profits before people policy. On another level, the mounting FG's strategy is designed to change this. The original blueprint for this strategy was drawn up in 1978 by Brendan Dowling, who is Fitzgerald's chief economic advisor.

The basic plan was that the existing tax system would be abolished and replaced by a uniform 355 tax on all earned income without any allowance, deducions or oiner concessions Anyone over 18 years and cligible for work (employed or not) would get a El 3 a week payment. Parents would receive €3.75 weekly for cuch child under 18 while those oulside the labour force (housewives and self: employed) would receive E10.70p The idea behind this plan is to put all unemployed workers, skilled or unskilled, on an unlivable incommo.

An uncruployed worker who presontly gets £50 a week through a combination of unemployed benefit, redundancy pay and tax rebates, would get a grand In the case of a married couple, they would get a total of 23.70. Even with five children the full family income woul MEMORIAL LIBRARY in West would still only be 42.25. In short, all Belfast has appealed for donations the gratuicous "hand outs' are merely a way of chopping down security benefits It is now easy to see where G's €9.60 a week tor marries pomen fire lito this scheme. "It's not so much the moncy." says Sean O'Leary, FG's director of clections, "it is recognition of the place of this large group of women who up to now have felt themselves ignored." In reality it is no such thing. It is part of a vicious blan to crush the unemployed and urn them into chean labour which an compete with the employed and problems of the State's "most successful enterprise" highligfits for the union movement, the obstacles lying in the path of industrialisation in Ircland, Clearly. Connolly's claim that, under capitalism, Irish industrialisation depends on us becoming "the hacklegs of Europo" still holds true. It is equally clear that Irish workers are not willing to accept this blackleg tag nor are they happy to remain victims of'a backward economy. The only way out of this vicious circle is for the trade union movement to begin drawing up its own economic plan - one based on its members' needs - and fight for it using troops steeled in the battle to save existing jobs. Such a plan would have to take into account the ingerialist domination of Ireland -- a domination acquiesced in by irish capitalism and the major obstacle to industria- Isation.

OPPORTUNITY

The workers of Tuam are fully aware of the significance the attempted closure of their plant holds for other workers. They were at pains to point out to us that it the government, any government, 20t away with pulling the plug on a long established coterprise like Tuam then this would open the way for even harsher general austerity measures affecting jobs and wages.

The Trade Union Movement must, in its turn, grasp the significanoe and opportunity of Tuam. The Tuam case raises many questions - workers control versus workers' participation, the relacionship between small farmers and workers, the role of natural resources in the quest for jobs. land and private operty. And the imperialist dom tion of the Irish coonon These are questions which will be dealt with in a pamphlet about Tuam being planned by a number of Limerick Trades Unionists grouped around the Bottom Dog paper. We would ike to take this opportunit o ask readers of Socilis Republic who may have ideas.

information or any contaibution to make on the subject to send them to 109 O'Malley Park, Southill, Limerick, for our consideration. One can only expect a grunt from a pig. But what about the three socinist musketeers? Surely, if they have any concern for workers' interests they should be fighting tooth and nail against Fitzgerald's tax plans. Instead we bear thar they are going to support the Coalition government because of, as Joe Sherlock (SFWP) puts it, Fitzgerald's "gonuine concern for lax reform". Their behaviour, in fact, is more reminiscent of the three blind mice. They are supposed to be keeping Fitzgerald on the straight and narrow path of social reform by threatening him with a general election. The simple truth is, however, that Fitzgerald is keeping them in a conservative straightjacket by threatening THEM with a general election.

BRENDAN KELLY

The JOE MeDONNELL of new and second hand Irish books (in English and Irish).

The library is a cooperative initiative aimed at making a broad selection of Irish books available to young readers in West Belfast. Readers of Socialist Republic who can contribute books may send them c/o The Connolly Bookshop, Avoca Park, Andersonstown, Belfast and we will be pleased to pass them along.

Irish CP Miss the Boat ABOVE: Arms haul from UDA H.Q.

RIGHT: Councilior Larry Kennedy By CHARLIE CONRON October the 5th, 1981. Larry was well known for his fearless support of the H Block and Armagh prisoners and their fight for Political Status. In fact Larry and his comrades were the target of a Loyalist attack only weeks before his murder as he took part in a Seven Day Token Fast in support of the hunger strikers.

He was also well known for his consistent efforts to enrich the life of the community in general. This murder was quickly followed by another, that of Bobby Ewing who was gunned down as he sat watching the funeral of Larry Kennedy on television with his wife and children on the ig of October the 121h.

BRUTAL MURDER

as the most vicious in the recent spate of Loyalist killings, pensioner Mary By NIALL MEEHAN Peoples Democracy has always said that the Acid Test for Irish socialists is how they respond to the National Question. For us the first task for the working class is the unification of the country and the ending of British economic and political control. Replacing Britain with a Workers and Small Farmers government is the only guarantee of real independence. This question is hotly debated on the left and there are a couple of other organisations on the left who would agree with our general proposition. However witen it comes to the point of deciding just how to begin the practical steps of eroding British control our paths diverge. The attitude of the Communist Party of Ireland, The oldest organisation of the Irish far left.

towards the H Block/Armagh Campaign is a graphic example of our practical and strategic differences.

This article contrasts the different roles glayed by PD and the CPl in relation to the prisoners.

First an outline of the role played by For as the importance of the PD. struggle to win the demands of the pris orers was recoenised right from the start. When the British withdrew Politicul Status on March Ist 1976 PD immediately launched a petition in the catholic ghettoes in Belfast prot esting its removal and calling for anti Imperialist unity in the face of British attacks, The Relatives Action Comm ittees were then formed to defend the and give their demands a Aristners basic hard core support on the outside.

PD wis unique in its understanding of hants arontinal Stop the UDA

ASSASSINS NOW

In a year which has seen literally hundreds of sectarian attacks (many ending in death and mutilation on the Nationalist people of the Six Counties by UDA murder gangs this month has seen a vicious es.

calation. Couneillor Larry Kennedy was gunned down as he was leaving the Shamrock social club in the Ardoyne on the night of McKay was murdered as she lay in her bed heneath the blankets. The murder gang, having gained access to the house by forcing an entry, rushed up the stairs and burst in on their victim leaving her little chance of escape, a tactic frequently used by the Loyalist gangs- These three murders are only the most recent in what is clearly a well orchastrated murder campaign intented to terrify the Catholic population.

Although such attacks have taken place ail over the Six Counties one of the arcas hardest hit is the Ardovne in Bel- Altocks have taken place all Tound the Nation encave Aleks m Deerpark Road, Alliance Avenue, Ber- And then by what can only de described wick Road, Flax Street, Wheatfield and Mountainview have left six dead and many injured this year. movement faced was the position of the Republican Movement who attempted to make support for their military campaign a precondition for all opposition to Britain.

From this initial step there have been many milestones on the road to the unity of the anti-Imperialist forces which PD either initiated or stronely supporled The most important ones were: the Coalisland Anti Repression Conference in late 1977; the Bumtollet Commemoration march in January 1979; Bernadette MacAliskev's Euro Election campaien in June 1979; finally culminating in the Green Briar Conference in September 1979 where the National H Block/Armagh Committee was founded.

MASS ACTION

We saw our role to be that of persuad.

ing the Republican Movement, as the largest anti-Imperialist organisation, of the need for unity around agreed demands. We did this by going directly to the Nationalist population and launching successful initiatives. The Republican condemnation of these initiatives was plainly seen as sectarian by even the Provos most ardent supporters.

When the Provos did change their line in September "79 the way was open to launch a mass campaign.

We argued for the need to challenge Fianna Fail and the SDLP, for democracy within the campaign and the importance of workers We were the first to propose the use of the election tactic by challenging and defeating Paddy Devlin und Gerry Fitt in the die Counte local Cowerrment their anger toward Unionist politicwho have described the killings as Tit for Tal -a sick attempt to pass the onus for these murders on to their actual victims. *I believe this is an attempt to make these murders in some way legitimate of members of the British security killing IRA volunteers one could unis clearly not the case and they should be seen for what they are: part and parcel of a deliberate anti-Catholic pogrom in this area. ination campaign from 1969 to the present day. Hundreds of ordinary a most horrific manner. tude adopted by our own politician and clergy to the killings.

think that our late in ate was to be fatted for the kill and that we should expect our lot and not say a word about it. *There is a vicious and anti-catholic murder campaign under way in the Ardeyne area and it is about time the clergy and politicians came out and said so, no matter who it offends."

SILENT TOO LONG

ion called Silent Too Long had been the victims of Loyalist attacks.

The aims of the orpanisation are to campaign for the banning of the UIDA an organisation whose leaders hav been cought with guns in their posestion and allowed to walk away scof arian nature of the RUC and judicial system in the Six Counties.

terrorism by exposing the sectarian nature of the state and its "security the proscription of the UDA.

Anti-Imperialist line put to the test defeated the Republican Clubs who Jost all representation on Belfast City Council. In the ensucing Southern General Election one of our two can- Party and got 1,500 votes compared to 252 for the CPI candidate.

CPI ROLE

for winning back Political Status.

party's policy turned out to exist on paper only with no practical effect.

in 1979 the party even went to the cott of the Euro Elections. In this by the Provos". should not participate in a campaign to defend Republican prisoners!

ine the Committee. PD fully roadening the campalen should be scen in that context. jon is pussyfooting abstentionism.

REFORMIST POSITIONS

The hasically reformist positions of the CPI is at the base of its refual to The people of the Ardone have turned lans, Protestant ministers and the media A survivor of a previous attack told us: with the execution forces. If these Loyalist assassins were derstand the "tit for tat" claim, but this A woman from the Ardoyne area who had lost her hushand in a sectarian attack pointed out that North Belfast had borne the brunt of the Loyalist assiss- Catholles had been murdered, some in "What amazes me" she said " is the attfou woul t was reported in the last issue of SOC ALIST REPUBLIC that an organisat formed. It is composed of relatives of free. This fact also highlights the sect- Such groups as Silent Too Long are an ating Loyalis: forces'". This is helping to butld a campaign for anti-unionist self defence and campaign. didates came out on top of the Labour The role of the CP on the other hand, showed it totally bereft of ideas when for me to putting onend astraThe movement in 1972. None of the initiatives which led up to the setting up of the I1 Block/Armagh Committee were supporled by the CPI.

iltra-left extreme of calling for a boy they were at one with Sinn Fein. Yet when the H Block/Armagh Committee was set up the CP refused to join by stating The Committee is dominated The logic of this seccarian position is that the Republicans Whose prisoners are in Long Kesh any- They are certainly not members the CPT. Incidcotally John Hume gave the same reason for not support- Our view was and is that the the Committe should ie Partition). be supported by all those who support ve Demands, The question o well it seems. The CPI posit- Paisley, FitzGerald, Kemmy.

One Notion: Two Nations! The news that Jim Kemmy was forming his own party, the Democratic Socialist Party, comes as no surprise. The forces that will join him in this new venture are the Socialist Party and members of the British & Irish Communist Organisation, his old buddies from the pro- British 'Socialists Against Nationalism' group. Besides their anti-Republicanism, these people also have the distinction of being loyal followers of Joe Stalin.

The Socialist Party also gives uncritial support to the deformed workers states in Eastern Europe.

The following is a press statement nut out by the Limerick branch of coples Democracy: (Incidentally why don't they take their pro- Paisleyism to its logical conclusion and simply call themselves the Democratic Unionist Party?)

The formation of Jim Kenny's new Democratie Socialist Party, incorporating a wide range of İrish stalinany ou Lad pro blems or questions facing Irish workers today. A party that turns its back on the just struggles of the Catholic population in the 6 Counties and which does not stress the need for advance in the Six Counties is held back solely by the Provos military Their alternstive, unfortunately, is exactly the same as that of the pro-Unionist Republican Clubs. They call on us to campaig instead for a "Devolved Assembly and a 'Bill of Rights'! The practical effect of this policy is as follows: (1) A return to Stormont under Loyalist control. A direct rejection of the biggest gain of the anti-Imperialist (2) An ineffectual law with the same practical effect as the RUC police complaints procedure. The Six County Statelet is a byword for sectarianism. Any one who thinks democracy of any kind can be attained within its borders is deluding themselves und miseducating others. The CPI's reformism rocognises this in.

a negative way by not raising any immediate demands which directly challenge Loyalist sectarianism.

Youth Oppose Party Line The signs are not all bad. The Connolly Youth Movement - the CPI youth group - supports the H Block/Armagh Committee. This opposition to the line has led to a debate within the ranks. Those who support the anti-Imperialist position claim that the party is held back by Loyalist minority in the CP's Northern Area Committee ( The CPI is divided into self-governing Area Committees which mim- How has the CPI responded to this debate within its ranks? Not too ticipating in the campaign. The National Youth Officer has been expelled from the party National Executive.

Some members of the party think its line can be changed by the next Congress at Easter 1982. We shall wait and see...... Hopefully it will

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 3.

independent workers' action will inevitably find itself on the rightwing of Irish politics in the same way as Mr Kemmy has found himself voting for unti-worker measures in the Dail. While the new party will make much play on the influence of the Catholic church in the 26 Counties it will continue to refuse to draw the necessary conclusion that the existence of two sectarian states in Ireland is a part of British Imperialist strategy in Ireland and is a disaster for the urking class. Cosy arrangement ith liberals" (of dubious backgroun especially where civil liberties are concerned), will not change the sectarian nature of the two stales in Ireland, Only the ending of partition and the departure of the British can achieve this. Mr Kemmy's politics are based on getting piccemeal reforms without posing a socialist alternative to the present system. The future of Irish workers will revolve around the fight for this alternative and will not орсой оплаю шоста and young academics that Jim Kemmy places so much faith on. In short, there is no room for unother party that accepts British domination of Ireland. The CPI perspective is usually combined with cills for Working Class Unity and support for the Northern Ireland Trade Union Committee's 'Better Life for All Campaign'.

Unfortunately, or fortunstely from our point of view, few people lave ever heard of it since it was set up ten years ago.

FCONOMISM

This hopelessly useless form of coonomise would make Lenin turn in his Mausoloum. It ignores the centrality of politics and the National Question.

Rather than raising the partitionist inspired slogan of "Workers Unity" in the Six Counties we should be raising the slogan Cnify the Irish Working Cliss which direody challenges Partition and allows us to bring Calling solitics to the working class.

or bread and butter reforms in 3 murely Northern Ireland context is not a socialist strategy worthy of the name. Our conclusion from this analysis is that PD got it more or less right in the H Block/Armach Campaign and the CPI sas left speechifying from the As the short article on the debate within the CPI shows, there are those in party ranks who want to get the show back on the mails.

Members of the party have been 'disiplined" for par-

Elections and the H-Block Can

PAGE 4 SOCIALIST REPUBLIC.

Full-time organiser for the National Union of Public Employees, Inez MeCormack, has accused the Northern Ireland office of fiddling unenployment statisties in the Six Counties. McCormack blasted the British administration's claim that only 112,224 people were unemployed in October and revealed that the true figure was over 170,000. JOHN MeGEE reports on reaction to the NIO report: The NUPE organiser challenged Northern Secretary of State, Jim Prior, to refute her allegations.

Some 60,000 people are not included in the Lovernment s tigures, elther because they did not pay sufficient contributions while working to entitle them to unemployment benetit or because they are young people engaged on Government training schemes Peoples Democracy Councillor, John McAnulty, commenting on the obless figures said they provided urther evidence of how nationalist workers, women and youth were wing hit hardest by the rising unemployment. Job loss is highest in he building and distributive trades where nationalist workers are disportionately represented. Tory backs in public spendine are reatening a further job-loss of 6,000 obs in the construction industry lone, most of which will be jobs of The forgotten 60,000 in the official So mcT sanses are made thr st entirely of women workers of Irish polities that has definitely changed has been the political consciousness of many anti-imperialists.

The different tactics for advancing the anti-imperialist movement have been argued, tried and tested in real situation of the H Block/Armash campaign. This can be soon at its clearest in the debate on electoral strategy which has probably generates.

the most intense dehates within the H Block movement, both North and South of the border, It has at times, seemed to threaten to split some H Block/Armagh committees, including the National H Block/Armagh Committee. There is no doubt that elections played the major role during the hunger strike in both mobilising and demonstrating the widespread support for the hunger strikers. The election of Bobby Sands to Westminster was the most damaging blow to the British It served both to aid the mass mobilisation on the streets and to undermine the SDIP and the nationalist establishment, Bobby Sands election was the first of a serics of clectoral victories that in fact were the most clear cut victories of the whole H Block/Armagh

FLEUREIC

CHANGE OF POSITION

The participation of Republicans and the Republican movement in these clections has marked a change in their political tacties from the posi tion they held only a year ago.

Republicans, throughout the 60 year history of Partition, have adopted an abstentionist attitude towards both Stormont and the Dail, based on the idea that both governments have no legitimate right to exist.

This, however. did not proclude Republicans from contesting elections Parentine them our Nationalists suffer worst unemployment Campaign Against Losses and young workers being exploited as cheap labour on so-called Youth Opportunity Programmes."* Fergus O'Hare, Peoples Democracy Councillor for North Belfast, condemned the recent jobs creation strategy outlined by the new Secretary of State, Jim Prior, in the document "A Framework for Action'.

Councillor O'Hare bibelled the documcal uncha or bums responsibility for the chronically high level of unemployment in the Six Counties". *The British strategy amounts to opening up the North seconomy to nationals who have already contriunemployment levels in both parts of partitioned Ireland, even so, the British insensitivity to the North's jobless is highlighted by the fact that although the administration states that at least 10,000 jubs a year should be created it then goes on to blandly announce that it will settle for the promotion of 3,000 jobs a year, With 170,000 on the dole this rate of job creation would take over 50 years to make a reul impact on the jobless queues."

The Northern Ireland Committee of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions said it was "frankly horrified" at the leaping unemployment. NICTU is launching a campaign over the next three months leading up to a major conference on youth unetployment in January. The campaign will include a motorcade protest to Stormont, rock concerts and street theatre. Welcome as this belated activity is, it still falls far short of a serious challenge to rising unem- I has been said that the Long Kesh hunger strike has changed the face of Irish polities and certainly bourgeois politicians North and South are now lamenting the explosive growth of anti-imperialist sentiment throughout Ireland. One element Northern and Southern parliaments.

The most recent example, prior to the hunger strike, was the election of two prisoners to Westminster and four Sian Fein TDs to Leinster House during the IRA '56-62 military campaien. In the current phase of the strugele the position changed from abstentionism to one of complete boycott of electione and even indifterence to electoral issues. Initially, during the Civil Rights period, Peoples Democracy and Civil Rights activists used clections to some effect, the most striking example being the election of Bernadette Devlin to Westminster in 1969. In the coming years, as the struggle deepened, and especially after internment and the fall of Stornont, both Peoples Democracy and the Republicans took a position that to participate in elections would be to give credibility to Britain's attempts to restore its institutions in the North and would help undermine the antiimperialist movement.

BOYCOTT

Given the intensity of the struggle at the time and the still strong popular street resistance this seemed correct.

However in the first elections after the fall of Stormont, the elections to the power-sharine assembly in June 1973, with PD and the Provisionals calling for a boycott, the SDLP stood, gaining 19 seats and 159,000 votes. It was clear that the mass of anti-unionists were not so alienated from the state to refuse to participate in its elections. Te the next few years the boycott position was maintained and the DIP were siven a clear run in all ployment. Over the last few years he NICTU has wasted effort at who have been staunch defenders of Thatcher's monetarist policies. This latest campaign fits into the same mould of socking to mobilise public pinion to simply embarass the ritish government Emportant as public opinion may be.

It is NOT the weapon to put a halt to the redundancies or force the creation of lasting employment.

What IS needed is a campaign of adustrial action which faces up t he political obstacles which bloc the way to full employment. Such a ampaign needs to co beyond the a nti-Thatcher rhetoric which has bocome so popular amongst the North's trade union lesders.

While Thatcher's policies have contributed heavily to present ment has been a feature of life in Ireland state was established, Real make workers pay the price for the capitalist crisis can only be built by challenging the sectarianism which divides the workers of the North. That means challenging the soctarian Northern state itself.

ment which started by tackling the legacy of discrimination which guarantees the heaviest unemployment in nationalist areas would nut only challenge the illusions which loyalist workers have in Britain, but would open the road to uniting workers throughout the whole of the 32 Counties, used to attack and subvert the anti imperialist strusgle. revised it suction on elections.

wooing the North's Wesiminster MP's including unionists like Enoch Powell unemployment leveis, mass unemploythe Six Counties SINCE the Northern opposition to policies which seek to A campaign by the trade union move- Several years ago Peoples Democracy Lessons of the Hunger Strike The ending of the hunger strike marks the ending of the prison struggle as the central and immediate issue for the mass move.

ment. Whether it remains an issue at all depends on the British The mass campaign has forced concessions from chem. They can either honour their promises to the relatives and the prisoners or they can leave the prison issue to remain as a festering sore in Irish polities. Whichever they decide, the whole struggle has opened up wider issues around the whole question of partition. The H Block/Armagh movement should act as a base for a new united front to consolidate the gains that have been made and organise a defence against further British offensives. the struggle had undergone it was ot primary importance to rebuild the mass movement and take the leadership of the mass of people away from the SPIP. Conscouently durins the organised a "Vote H not X' campaigat in West Belfast thinking it was better do something in the clection than nothing at all. Both the Relatives Action Committee and Sinn Fein ignored the election. Gerry Fitt was again elected unopposed on the mationalist side. In Tune 1979 PD supported Bernadette McAliskey who stood as an anti-H Block candidate in the European Parliamentary elections.

She was chosen at a mass meeting of anti-unionists in Coalisland at which the only opposition to her came from Sinn Fein members present. During the clection, Sinn lein who. claiming to represent the Provisional Govern ment ordered Bernadetle not to stand, organised an active and vociferous boycott directed only against Bernadette, which created great confusion. Bernadette nevertheless obtained over 34,000 first preference votes and succeeded in raising the H Block issue in the election where otherwise it would have been ignored.

REVERSE BOYCOTT

DECISION

With the beginning of the second hunger strike this year and the approach of the Northern Local Government Elections, PD argued strongly within the H Block committoes that the most effective way of demonstrating support for the prisoners and challenging the SDLP was for anti-H Block candidates to stand in as many constituencies as possible. There was strong opposicion to this from the Remblican Movernent and the IRSP in the committees. The Republicans said that "as a principle" they could not The middle of this debate, however, came the news that Bobby Sands was noininated for Fermanach!

South Tvrone It wasa totally

The prisoners have struggled for five years against the British criminalisation policy. They have endured horrendous brutality, the blanket protest, the nowash protest, and finally two hunger strikes lasting for an entire year, In the process, ten young Republican militants have died a slow and agonsing death on hunger strike. They have gained the right to wear their own clothes, limited concessions on association and remission and an ambiguous statement about reform of prison work.

BRITISH PUSHED BACK

If this falls short of the five demands and total victory it also falls far short of deleat. The regime that the British tried to impose five years ago would have meant the total breaking and humiliation of the prisoners.

Victory would effectively have amounted to a British declaration that the prisoners were political prisoners, with all that that implies.

What the prisoners have succeeded in doing is forcing back an attempt to force prison garb on them - an historic struggle for generations of militants - and in the process forcing a prison regime in which they could at least survive without being crushed and broken.

GAINS FOR THE STRUGGLE

However one result of the struggle has been that the hunger strike is not wailable as a weapon for the prisoners for the forseeable future This, plus the fact that they now have their own clothes, means that even if the British refuse to settle prison protest CAN only continue at a much lower level. At the same tin the mass struggle outside the prison has won Important victories which it must now consolidate.

FACE OF POLITICS CHANGED

The fact is that the political situation in Ireland has changed utterly during the period of the hunger strike. The H Block/Armagh campaign existed as a defensive movement, defending paign In the event the National H Block/ Armagh Committee did not contest the elections and the only opposition to the SDLP and Republican Clubs came from PD and the IRSP (who had changed their position) and independdent anti-H Block candidates, the majority of whom were elected on substantial votes. PD's Fergus O Hare annihilated Geny Fitt who was transformed overnight into a has been. It must be said that the failure to contest the elections was a basic and fundamental mistake as it once more gave the SDIP virtually a clear run and they maintained their number of councillors. Before the clection Hume met Thatcher to discuss the hunger strike in a pretence of concern but after the election threat was removed the SDIP felt able to move towards outright hostility to the prisoners.

The election of a large number of anti-H Block councilors would have been a great step forward for the SDIP off the councils.

The Southern General Election was a new opportunity for an clectoral intervention. There was a split on the National H Block/Armagh Committee with the Republican prisoner = abstentionist line winning y the narrowest of margins, PD

FERGUS D'HARE

both the prisoners and the legitimacy of anti-imperialist politics. The British 'held the line' against that movement but in the process they sparked off massive resentment and hatred of thair rule and laid the ground for significant victories. The movement now has the twin tasks of CONSOLIDATING those victories and PREPARING for the inevitable counter offensive by Britain and its allies in Ireland. What were the gains of the campaign?

FIRSTLY there was the very existence of a broad unity of anti-imperialists after a lons period of fragmentation and retreat, SECONDLY, the fact that that united movement was, for the first time ever in the present struggle, able to build itself on a truly all-Ireland basis. It was a movement able to mobilise massive numbers of people, win the broad sympathy of the mass of the Irish people, and build international solidarity on a level never seen before.

KEY VICTORIES

There were two victories in the campaign that stand out above all else. The whole series of electoral victories which began with the clection of Bobby Sands has seriously croded the base of collaborationist parties like the SDLP and Fianna Fail.

Ake the work of the trade union sub-committees has established a layer of politicised workers on whose development the future strength of revolutionary forces will increasingly depend.

IMPEDIMENTS

But the movement has had its weaknesses too, Workers' action never became a central priority of the whole campaign, and the campaign's attitude to elections was marked by confusion and hesitation which weakened the extent of its successes.

The carly insistence on prisoner candidates ONLY, meant that a chance to cripple the SDLP in the local elections in the North was argued that non-prisoner candidates should stand in several seats. Other Commi lous around the countri most notably Cork, wanted nonprisoner candidates who could actively challenge Fianna Fail's republican credentials. PD with little resources stood Vincent Doherty, a member of the NHBAC and PD, and stood Joe Harrington in Limerick East.

both candidates did well getting 1,500 and 800 votes respectively.

The Southern elections provided an opportunity to advance the campaign but the clection of two abstentionist onsoner candidates meant that they had no effect whatsoever in postelection events whereas non-abstentionist candidates could have caused a governmental stalemate. Similarly a non abstentionist candidate for the coming Cavan/Monaghan byelection would transform electoral tacties from a transitory protest to active opposition to all three collaborationist parties. Future elections will be of major importance for anti-amperialists and will provide one of the best means of gaining political leadership of the Irish working class provided that participation is seen as part of an overall strategy to build a mass working class based resistance. To adopt a boycott position is to abstain from the fight for leadership with the bourgeois parties and to adopt an absentionist position is merely elevating a possible tactic into a self-defeating principle and ignoring the possibilities for developing the political struggle.

JOHN MCANULTY

election AND the possibilities for mobilisation after it. When the principle of putting forwand active candidates was accepted the task around the major issues outside of H Block/Armagh that candidates even attempted by the main anti- Imperialist organisations.

never developed a real democratic -adership, For this reason it war largely dominated by the largest.

of the campaign mark the political leadership. In fact the Republican right acted out the whole struggle. that a broad movement might if the H Block Armach movement for three years, Their insistence on cut across the development of mass politics at significant points in the Hughes, Belfast militants were then on abstention in elections B links with the bourgeois nationalist forces that can and do act as a bulwark against the Irish revolution canvassers asked if they could "borrow" Fianna Fail votes instead able to su "give" Cavan/Monaghan to a Fianna Fail candidate.

MASS ACTION

was also marked by the political maturity of a new Republican left committed to mass united action as gase you the Treaty, the shirts and the Heavy Gang, we Debate" or "How the North was lost", ROSE O'MAHONY The new moves by the coalition blatant attempt to deny th: right tion and is a clear signal to the that this governmeit intends to do rule in the North. Two things were noticeable in Fitzgerald's remarks on that now infamous radio interview on RTE.

On the one hand his servile and supportive attitude towards Unionstate like the South"") and on the movement. His nearly hysterical reaction lo the suggestion that he real enemy lo be crushed.

DIVORCE

It is concern to "secularise" the South is a smokescreen for his real aim. Fitzeerald refused to resign or even register protest at Liam Cosgrave's refusal to vote for the Cooney contraception bill in 1974.

His solution to the problems of a joint working party in the Dail. In other words, despite his great "crusade" he will not propose a referendum on divorce without thrown away. This limited both the interventions in the Southern general of building a united electoral front would have to deal with - was not But perhaps the central weakness of the campaign lies in its structure. It united front structure which recognised the role of political parties and built broad delegate structure within th grouping - the Republican movement -and was never able to convincingly demonstrate a political independence.

It was no accident that the weakneases limits of the more conservative and traditional elements of the Republican

BRAKE ON THE CAMPAIGN

the ghettoes. s a brake on the campaign throughheir fea hallenge them delayed the formation traditional military forms of struggle campaign. (ie on the death of Francis instructed to clear the streets and let the boys' do their iob - the people were left with no role!) The tradition.

alist insistence first on a boycott and justified with all sorts of revolutionary rhetoric. This disguises their historic the Blaneys of this world. So in the Southern general clection, Republican of trying to break Southern workers completely away from that party and more recently Ruairi O'Brodaigh was

LEFT PROVOS LEARN FROM

However the hunger strike campaign And now, from the party which boundary settlement, the Bluehave "the Great Constitutional gives her thumbs down verdiet.

government to remove articles 2 and of the Irish nation to self-determinaall in its power to legitimise Unionist ists ("If 1 were a Northern Protestant I would not want to live in a sectarian other his hatred of the anti-imperialist might meet Owen Carron MP left us in no doubt as to who he sees as the view of the Bill marital breakdown now is to set up a key weapon of strugele. It was they who argued and struggled inside the Republican movement to build the H Block/Armagh campaign, opened it up to all who would support the five demands and who, after an initial hesitation, rocognised the value of election campaigns and used them to further the movement.

However the hunger strike also showed that these elements are in the minority, and the experience of maass political action has still to be absorbed by a whole generation of roung Republican militants. The ou ome of the ongoing debate in th Republicun moverent will help determine the ability of the Republican moverent to relate lo major opportunities opening up. Bombing London may help to consolidate the hold of the present leadership, and distract ttention from this discussion. Bu every bombing campaign in England to date has FAILED to advance the Irish revolution and has in fact led to political disaster. It alienates the southern working class and entrenches reaction in Britain, which gives a free hand to more British repression in The discussion about future united action Isn't an abstract debate. The struggle against imperialism poes on on the base of the successes and failures of this campaign. There MUST be an anti-insperialist candi.

date in Cavan/Monaghan, otherwise we will suffer a masshe credibility setback because we refused to fight against Fianna Fail and the Coalition.

Sinn Fein is the largest party and possibly the only anti-imperialist organisation in the constituency, and the temptation must be there to 'go it alone. This would be wrong. Cavan, Monaghan is first and last a LOCAL BATTLE IN A NATIONAL STRUGGLE and any candidate should he seen to be supported by the whole antiimperialist movement nationally.

Also the greatest support will be mobilised by a broad anti-imperialist programme rather than specific support for the Sinn Fein programme, What united demands should we now put forward? They should enable us not only to fight elections but to mobilise and organise on the streets and in the factories. Because we didn't win an all out victory for the prisoners, our novement remains on the defensive and that means the British and their allies will choose the terrain of batde. If we look at the situation around us we should be able to see the areas in which the British are moving to claw back

BLUESHIRT

CRUSADE

TO FORGET

THE NORTH

There is no possibility that Fine Gael will take on the Catholic Church and fight it. Throughout history, Cumann na nGeedhael (the forerunner of FG) has heen first to accept legislative surrestions from the hierarchy.

whether in the 20s on censorship and the outlawing of forms of public dance, and the banning of divoros: in the 30s on contraception: or in the in the 50s when Noel Browne's move towards a state health service was quashed by the bishops. John A Costello, the Fine Gael leador of the time said he was proud as a legislator to accept the Catholic hierarchy's

OPPRESSED UNIONISTS

Ganett would like us to believe that he is ditferent. that he cares about the rights of minorities throughour the country. But the attitude of his ar ly was showt must succinctly emma Hussey on another radic programe when she stated that *the most direatened and oppressed crounin Ireland today are the

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 5.

ground they lost during the H Block/ Arragh campaign.

BUILD THE STRUGGLE

The main bones of such a programme are immediately apparent: * Garrett's blueshirt crusade to change the southern constitution is an attack on the whole concept of opposition to partition. We should fight back and dernand Brits Oue!

and a United Ireland Now.

* The RUC still have the killer plastic a fight bullets in their armoury against these is simple self defence.

* The British and the Southern Bovernments are vindictive pursuing H.Block.

demonstrators - 34 in Belfast who tried to demonstrate in the city centre and a more sorous case to Dublin where there is an attempt to jail people who attended the embassy march. We should call and organise for the defence of democratic rights North and South. • The Trade Union leadership acted as a barrier to organising workers in defence of the prisoners. We should workers and oppose the trade union leadership's "Better Lite for All" claptrap and their economnic collabora ion with imperialism

LESSONS OF THE PAST

TEN YEARS

Of all the united front organisations of the past, only one, the Northern Resistance Movemeos, achieved its central demand. It brought down Storment - but it was unable to move on to a United Ireland. All the others, however, served an absolutely emential role in defending and developing the struggle and it's worth noting that even now, ten years afterwards, that single sil-out victory has still not been reversed by Britain. If the H Block/Armagh movement had completely won the 5 simple demands of the prisoners it would have brought the British and Irish governments to their knees in the process.

Even the limited victories that were achieved have badly shaken imperialian. We should learn the lesson.

Ireland is not a country of we make in fices for small returns, but even these limited victories are a deadly threat to British rule. lE we can consolidate these victories and regroup then we will truly be in a strong position to challenge the quislings of the frish capitalist class and their British masters. JOHN MacANULTY But the only "threat hanging over Northern Unionism is the threat of the anti-imperialist movement to departition this ecuntry and destroy the sectarian state on which unionist privilege is based. The Labour Party was as usual, on Fine Gael's coattails seconding the resolution in the senate. They raised some hackneyed points about pressurising Unionists and docried the lerritorial claims to a United• Ireland. Jim Kemmy TD has gone one better when he said the aspiration of the Irish people to unity and selfdetermination was an 'imperialist" daim.

UNIONIST REACTION

The reaction of loyalist opinion has been interesting. This 'threatened species, from the Official Unionists to the DUP welcomed the cull for the dropping of Articles 2 and 3 but asserled that this would in no way influence their view on the South, that they simply did not wish to be included in a United Ireland.

Instead of challenging the ruse head on, Fianna Fail is heard to mutter about "views in keeping with the heliefs of the majority of our people", By defending Catholic inspired legislation they have attempted to perpetuate the myth that Nationalist = Catholic.

The only way in which Ireland's law can be truly secularised is in the context of a united Treland free from ibe imperinlist link, It is clear from the latest parliamentary parleys' that any serious moves in that direction can on come from the antiimperialist people throughout the country mobilised to win their airs without kow-towing to either Unionist reaction or the Catholie

PAGE 6 SOCIALIST REPUBLIC.

ALL HAIL

NORTH

With all this talk ahout changing the Southern Constitution, liberal sing the State in the 26 Counties, making it more acceptable to the Northern majority, and improving the position of women, ete., you would think that the North was a haven of equality and democratie rights for women! Despite the fact that in general, protestant churches are more liberal" than catholicism on questions concerning women, the actual situation of women in the North as regards, divorce, abortion, the right to work, nursery and social facilities is much more similar to to that of women in the South of Ireland itself, than to the position of women in England.

GAY LIBERATION

Soching could illustrate better the deval and backward attitude of Se churches in the North to the son of human rights and sexuality qucation of gay liberation.

al in the North of Ireland (un- Be England and Wales, but like the outh and Scotland). Gays have been ind to a severe campaign of at and intimidation by the UC, to a ging of "queer-bashers" have resorted to murder and i to the "Rev" They intena to perside chis Heval hangover of an ideology has the foll backing of the Rights to support the by the Northern Ireland Amsociation (that the bomosexuality in the stradicted the humin of grys) is a tremendous ste wand in exposing the reality of the so called "liberal" North.

THE MYTH OF THE

URERAL NORTH

beral facade is in fact nothing a will exploited myth, created hose such as Fine Gael, who ould try to find yet another way of acing the Southern working a that imperialism is progressive.

And it has a lot more to do with Fitzgerald's 'erusade" to fool the othern workers into an alliance ith Britain than it has to do with mon's rights or the Northern ajority. For, the reality of the Northern majority and women's rights i that since the inception of the Northern State,the British governent has given the protestants, and in particular the fundamentalist Presbyterian church, a free hand to shape laws in the North. This abject capitulation to one of the most restrictive and backward strands of protestantism has affected every area of women's lives in the North, thus: 1967 Abortion Act: in England, has not been extended to the North due to the objections of the Free Presbyterians. Abortion is illegal in the North, UNLIKE England and Wales, LIKE the South. Homosexuality: the law legalising male homosexuslity in England was never extended to the North due to the objections of Free Presbyterianism.

Thus it is illegal, UNLIKE England and Wales, LIKE the South.

Divoree Reform: was never extended to the North due to the objections of Free Presbyterianism.

Divorce, while not illegal, was ely difficult to obtain, Invoh.

THE LIBERAL'

ent changes under direct rule, fought for by sections of the women's movement). This was UNLIKE England and more LIKE the South.

Nursery facilities: State-provided nursery facilities for working women are non-existent in the North, thus making it more difficult for the growing numbers of mothers who go out to work. Those nurseries that do exist (3 in Belfast), are attached to workplaces. This is UNLIKE England and similar to the child care situation in the South.

BREAK THE CHURCH/STATE

LINK FOR A SECULAR,

SOCIALIST IRELAND

The harsh reality of British government intervention in the North has been to create a Northern clerical state in which the churches have a well-established VETO over important areas of women's rights, gay rights and be playgrounds locked on Sunday the day of 'rest" you get?!) Arthe Workers Res the Churches in the North of Ireland ays. "Teeland North and South is one of the most nellpious countries in the world -perhaps the most Christian country in the western Christian world. And not only is it celible and trotestant ams are among the most insular, fundamentalist and reactionary in existence."

Thus a key task of revolutionaries and socialists is to confront the legacy of imperialism's use of the churches to divide and rule - divide men from women. What sort of free Ireland' will women enjoy if there is no relaxation of the churches hold on the State? It Is an Issue not of modern "liberalism" vs.the Irish tradition, but of the fight for democratic righis vs the reactionary alliance between the church hierarchies and British Imperialism.

For feminists and anti-imperialists, serious about the fight for women's liberation, the only answer lies in an independent women's movement whose main task is the fight to break the Church/State link and to get the demand accepted by anti-imperinlists.

For feminists to imore this and to hang around the pro imperialist parties such, as Fine Gael, hoping for a fow liberal crumbs to he dropped from the pro-partitionist table, would be to cut themselves off from the most progressive forces in Irish society lighting for fundamental changes the anti-imperialists, Te would be to condemn the fight for women's rights to be caught in the vice-like grip of that most ancient and reactionary of alliances that between British imperialism and the Churches.

At the end of the day the only way of improving the appalling conditions of Irish women, North and South, is to huild an independent movement of women, with significant support among workers and anti-imperialists, that will raise to the fore the demands of women's liberatjon:

BREAK THE CHURCH/STATE

LINK!

EQUAL RIGHTS FOR IRISH

the basic democratic rights of the minority and women have been gress of social legislation has heen backwoodsmen and clergy. It is this very fact that makes the the right to - How liberal can atin on News has recently come from Armagh Prison that Marion Clegg, one of the protesting prisoners, has contracted tuberculosis, and has been moved to the prison hospital.

TB is a disease which is directly in particular inadequate nutrition, dampness, overcrowding and lack of fresh air. It points out, in yet conditions lo which the political Committee has taken an important step forward in deciding that the defence of the 'Embassy 20 and the focus for those who support the prisoners who have been charged under the Offences Against the State Act for their participation in the July 18th march to the British Embassy. The case of the Belfast 34 arises out of the 34 arrests on June 27 as Clirs.

Fergus O'Hare and John McAnulty attempted to address a meeting moved in and broke up the rally.

by all political and cultural groups, in fact, except those who support and Armach. On Aus, Bth, nine others were also arrested during a second attempt to hold a protest rally there. We are now seeing in practice the extension and intensification of the Siner the artificial division of the country into 6 and 26 county states "central" issue! denied. This is not accidental but a direct result of partition. On both sides of the horder artificial majorities have been created based either on political persussion or religious affiliation. Integration of Church and State has been a hallmark feature of the two parts of this island. The prohampered or impeded by the combined vested interests of the political trail. current debate on the Irish Constituition so important. All of a sudden sive North. tenuously been avoided by Fine Gael and Fianna Fail, and ignored attributable to poor living conditions, another tragic example, the appalling Belfast 34, Embassy 20:

DROP THE CHARGES!

The National H Block/Armagh "Belfast 34' should be a central who bold thern. The "Erbassy 20' are 20 young men outside Belfast City Hall, The RUC The centre of Bolfast has been used including Paisley's DUP. Everyone, the political prisoners in Long Kesh Members of the Divorce Action Group at a press conference Divorce: Political Issue or Football?

by the Irish Labour Party during the General Election - becones a But is this because we have at last pricked the consciences or threatened the political future of the TDs on this issue? Not at all - the Coalition suggests they are willing to debate divorce if the Irish people accept partition. It's the old carrot and stick tactic, These are parties which for vears bave sat on top of this issue - in fact many of those TD's opposed divorce when out on the recent general election campaign The whole discussion is being posed as the necessary reform of the backward South to appease the progres- What does all this toll us? Well, Release Marion Clegg prisoners have been subjected.

The National H Block/Armagh Committee has demanded that Marion be immediately transferred to an outside hospital. Past experience has shown how necessary this is.

The Price Sisters, and Pauline McLaughlin were "treated" by the prison medical stati, and under this "care deteriorated so badly that even the vindictive British government wis forced to melance them when each was on the brink of death.

The Free State rulers need to discredit those who put forward republican and socialist ideas in order to discredit the ideus themscives -and the political activity of those Fitzgerald & Co's long term strategy for this island is becoming increasingly clear, The Constitutional "Crusade" and the attack on the activities of the anti-imperialist movement (the Embassy 20 and dally harassment of activkts) are part and parcel of an overall plan. He aims to consolidate partition and undermine the developing anti-Imperiulist movement BEFORE it develops into a serious challenge to the capitalists' plans for this island.

The defence of the 'Embassy 20 und the 'Belfast 34' are not simply rearguard actions in the wake of the hunger strike and the cumpaien for the five demands. Like the campaign for the 5 demands Itself, organising around these cases provides un opportunity to raise the broader questions of the anti-imperialist strugale, and to illustrate the inherent: undemocratie nature f hoh firstly that the right to divorce will be used as a political football by both leams. No guarantees have been given by the 76 liberals" like Senator Gemma Hussey, that any fundamental changes on democratic rights will be made. In fact judging on the recent past, when the issue gets 'hot, ie when the clergy and right wing start to object, these liberals run for cover. The only real guarantor of democra- He rights on the whole of the island B independent political action by the working class and especially women -political action that recogmises the obetacies of partition and the political decay in the major parties, both unionist and bourgeois nationalist on both sides of the border.

ANNE SPEED

Unce again, the need for an independent medical enquiry into conditions at Armagh has been dramatically highlighted. This, and the demand for Marion Clegg's release to an outside hospltal should be taken up by the anti-imperialist and women's movements and support should be sought perticularly within the health-care unions and medical professions. Release Marian CleRg Now.,

RUTH TAILLON

The political framework for the defence laid down by the National H Block/Armach Committee defence of the right to demonstrate, no victimisation, acainst the criminalistion policy North and South, drop the charges - provides a solid basis for building a substantial campaign. To effectively provide a political defence of use retivists however, re ulres ti a sections of the a im rilist w ment whol it 1l com Posit them

ARTETHIN"

The Central Committee of the Polish Communist Party recently set the authorities on a collision course with the Polish workers.

There is a strong possibility that of a major confronsation with Solidarity in the short term.

DAVY JONES, of Socialist Challenge, reports. Under pressure from the Kremlin the party called for: •a temporary suspension of the right to strike. * renegotiation of the Gdansk strike greements. postponement of the demobbing of army conscripts in case of a state of emergency. And for the first time the party has a general for its leader, Wojciek aruzelski, who was clected Prime Minister in February, became party chief to replace Stanislaw Kania, whose weakness against Solidarity had enraged the Kremlin leaders.

At the same time 11 central committee members resigned from Solidarity to protest against its allegedly anti-socialist development.

The bureaucrats are preparing the tround for a confrontation with tha Polish workers. In that context.

hard-liner Stefan Olscowski is likely to be brought in as the next prime minister. He has called for a combination of repression and the creation of a "broad' government of national butch, party and Solidarity "moderates" to whip the Polish workers into line. The Polish authorities fear the development of a challenge to their mile Greek Result Worries Imperialists ABOVE PASOK leader, napandreou Thousands of Greek workers and youth have taken to the streets to celebrate the victory of Andreas Papandreou's Socialist Movement (PASOK) in the general election. PASOK tuck some 47 per cent of the vote compared to 36 per cent for premier George Rallis Now Democracy Polish Rulers Prepare Showdown Solidarity rally in Gdansk over the working class. Since the foundation of Solidarity as an independent union, the bureaucrats' monopoly of political power has been under increasing threat.

Solidarity's first national congress called for free clections. an end to and the development of workers" self-management in the factories and enterprises.

Already the majority of the major plants have orgamised workers' councils which have begun to co- The Greek workers certainly had something to celebrate, In 1967 the army generals came to power and democracy was only restored in 1974.

Since that tinse the conservative New Democracy party has been in office with a humping parliamentary major ity.

NATO

But one thing is certain: NATO military bosses won't be rejoicing at PASOK's victory, Because part of , Papandreou's clection campaign was his promise to withdraw from NATO's military wing and to kick our the U.S. military bases, just as the NATO bosses thought they had sorted out the Mediterranean countries with the Turkish military coup! Papandreou's programme included other anti-capitalist measures which won't be to the liking of the impertalists, He has promised a referendum on withdrawal from the EEC and the nationalisation of certain important economic sectors ticals, banking, shipbuilding and He has also promised to lower the voting age from 20 to 18, and to carry out a decentralisation of governmental administration.

limilar to that promised by Mitterrand in France.

FRANCE

The victory of the left in the Greek clections follows swiftly on the heels of the French Socialists!

election success. Both Socialist Parties swept in to office after years of conservative rule on the basis of a widespread desire for radical change and policies. The workers of Europe have tried the politics of the conservative parties over the past five years and found them wanting. Increasingly they are looking to the mass workers parties for a refornist attemative.

NSZIZ GDANSH

ordinate on a regional basis. It is the development of an alternative workers" power that frightens the bureaucrats, and which means that a showdown hetween the two powers Is inevitahle. dangers facing the Polish workers.

tion of capitalism or for a Catholic state. They are fighting for workers' power and socialist democracy. They deserve our support.

CND

The decision of U.S. President dollars on developing the MX pharmaceumissiles and B1 bombers comes at a'time when 30 million Americans depending on social security are facing savage cuts in the system that they depend on for their existence. In the biggest rally since the great anti-Vietnam war rallies of the 1960s.

over 250,000 people under the leadership of the U.S. trade unions, marched in Washington on September with Reagan's economic policies.

These policies include reductions in Federal aid for health, education, job training prugrammies, legal services for the poor and Federal assistance to belt los income people to buy fuel. In sharp contrast to all these excessive cuts is Reagan's increased countries. They are not fighting for the restora- Dublin 5. ReaGuns High Livin Nancy: Let Them Eat Bombs By GREG DUFF

STOP THE MISSILES

)JoBs

NOT

Reagan to spend 180 billion U.S.

El Salvador junta.

BIG SPENDERS

19th to demoastrate their discontent: Nuclear Madness Since Reagan came to power in the U.S., masses of people in Europe have taken to the streets in protest against the location of nuclear weapons in their The anti-nuke movement and the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament have between them mobilised hundreds of thousands of people in the last few weeks: 100,000 in London, 100,000 in Brussels and some 50,000 in Paris (without the support of the French Socialist Party).

In the debate now going on in these countries, many people feel that they could, by virtual U.S. control of these weapons, be drawn into PEOPLES DEMOCRACY exists to help lead the fight for a 32-county socialist republic.

If you are interested in joining P.D. write to either of the addresses below:

CONNOLLY BOOKSHOP

Avoca Park, Andersonstown, 38 Clanawley Road, Kuleater,

BOMBS

race and his administration's increased support to the murdering Even the International Herald Tribune of August 17th under the heading.

"Reaganites" Administration of Austerity is Conspicuously Rich in Big Spenders" the glaring contrast between what Reagan preaches and the life style that his administration has is pointed out, "In Ronald Reagan's Washington many Ropublicens go to parties six nights a week.

They ride about town in chauffeured limousines and live in the most expensive sections of town with vacation horses in Califurnin.* The US. defence secretary Mr Casper Weinberger who has been busy recently solling President Reagan's nuclear strategy to America's NATO allies lives in a 715,000 dollar house with a private

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 7

America's war. The idea of fighting a theatre nuclear war is now a familiar piece of U.S.

'defence thinking. 'America's floating aireraft carrier' is a slogan carried on many British CND demonsrations. Or, as a militant marching in the contingent of the International Marxist Group in London put it, "Uncle Sem doesn't just expect you to put up with his bases, his bombs and his spy stations. In the line of duty you may bave to die for him!" Socialist Republic will in the next issue carry extensive coverage of the rise of CND in Europe and the issues at stake.

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Others have more than one house.

Treasury Secretary Reagan has homes in Virginia, New Jersey and Florida.

Lee Annenberg, the chief of protocol, and her hushand Walter, have a suite at the Watergate hotel which they share with a maid and a butler, a mansion on Philadelphia's Main Line, a chalet in Sun Valley, Idaho; and a 250 acre desort estate in Paim Springs.

California. Meanwhile back on the ranch Nancy Reagan is keeping her side up when she went to that rich unemployed chap's wedding in Britain. She arrived with her own manicurist.

hairdresser, nurse plus a host of other lackeys as well as handreds of thousands of dollars worth of jewellery and aboul 20 dresses including eight hall gowns.

PENTHOUSE

Now we know where our own Penthouse O'Leary got his ideas from.

While cuts in the publie sector and wage restraint are the order of the day the Reagans, Thatchers and their mickey mouse shadows like O'Leary all over the world are having a hall! The priorities of the international working class are not neutron bombs or MX missiles with their 10 nuclear warheads capable of hitting multiple tarpets. The world already posseses nuclear weapons with a combined destructive capacity more than one million limes that of the bomb dropped on Hiroshima. The struggle by the American working class is similar to the struggle by the Irist.

working class. Their fight is for the necessities uf life bousing. employment, education, health. The ruling class will always follow in the shadow of its British and U.S.

THE PEOPLES DEMOCRACY

bases itself on the following points: We agree that the central political question for the Irish people is the political, economic and military domination of Ireland by anperialism and that the central task for the trish revolution is the solution of the national question through the ending of Partition and achievement uf political and economic independ- We are united in our renection of the claim that any lasting solation to the oppression of the rish people can be found within a 6 county framework, and in our rejection of any 'right" of the Loyalist minority to continue Partition. As Marxists we believe that the capitalist stute must be smashed ind replaced by a workers state and We print here a contribution from a trade union militant in the FWUL He lists his experiences in trying to raise the H Block banger strike within the union.

Much of what he has written the andemocratie tures, bot more importaniy ie emphasises the need for antiimperialists to organise inside nd build a political influesce t otganised workere. ment stood on the r'de es hot because there was a bstantial support at grassevel. This support was demond repeatedly during the hunger - There were closures and walkouts in all parts of the country as the ampuien for the five demands gained meritium. Despite scant coverage a the media of incidents of industrial vetion and biased suggestions that what support existed was cither notional or mispuided, many trade maests contsieu totoi the umpaign on the streets and work within their individual unions.

INSIDE THE BRANCHES

If support on the streets was at times more dramatic and spoctacular, the campaien within the unions was no eas cnergetic.And eneegetic it had to be. Readers who are familiar with trade union bureaucracy will appreciate how difficult it is to achieve any.

sibstantial change in an organisation which is highly centralised and conservative. However, it would be an aver-simplification of the problem to supgest that the only reason why the trade union movement failed to come out in support of the prisoners was its inherent rigidity and its conservative mentality.

SFWP BUILD OBSTACLES

In the case of the H Block/Armarh campaign there were very powerful forces within the trade union movement itself which resisted the moves to support the prisoners.

These elecnents, SFWP and their political co-thinkers, acting on an individual and group basis, exploited every apportunity and used every trick in the book to prevent pressure coming up from rank and file workers.

POBLACHT SHOISIALACH

EI SOCIALIST REPUBLIC

that only the organised working class can provide the motive force for doing this. We believe that a crucial arca of capitalist oppression is women, and this is especially so in Ireland, given the history of clerical power here.

Women are oppressed as a sex and even a succestful revolution will not automatically guarantee the elimination of this oppression. For this reason, we unconditionally support the right of women to organise independently to fight for their emancipation. As Marxists, we believe that the working class has the ability to successfully challenge and defeat imperialism. It produces the wealth of society without being able to control or distribuite it. It is potentially stronger than any other class because of its ability to organise on a mass basc, combining its coonomic Britain's Allies In The Unions

AGAINS

wat that whit they tried tol tatives they chose not to to come out themselves y support the repressive: poocy which had incarcerated Consumed as they were with their own desire to appear anti-nationalist and anti-republican, they saw in the struggle of the prisoners a major threat to their credibility as a socalled radical force - an imace which was shattered for many as they denounced the prisoners as criminals' and 'thugs".

RANK & FILE FIGHT BACKS

Trade uninnists who supported the anti-imperialist strugele | Iront thans clemente Motione onl the H Block/Armagh issue were usually attacked on the basis that the issue was not really something which trade unions should he associnted with as it could be divisive to the trade union movement. For a time this arguiment had s certain credibility, eenly aware of the fundamental IssUEs that werc at stale Dn this basis motions were lost or not discused. This tactie of distaneing could not go on forever and as people became more and more aware of what was happening it lost its legitisacy and its initial appeal.

These opposed to discussicn now hegan to change their tacties. They attempted to discredit the prisoners® campaign and Thatcherite arguments that 'criminals are criminals" began to emerge.

PRISONERS CASE WINS

SUPPORT

When this argument lost its credibility and the prisoners were seen as having a 'apecial case, there was another chunge in tactics. The proposers of motions in support of the prisoners now came under attack within their own sections and branches before they they could have their voices heard at exccutive level where here agrin we taccd suaarty mowvated resistance, Paper ot PEOPLES' DEMUCHACY strength and its strength of numbers.

We accopt that workers have the right to defend themselves against imperialism. However, we do not accept the ideology of militacismthe belief that armed groups can substitute themselves for the masses and win freedom for them.

We believe in the building of an in a Marxist Party based on the Leninist theory of party organisation: the central feature of which is democratic centralism.

The organisation is internationalist.

It commits itself to holding an tises of the Fourth International on the question of affiliation to the Fourth International. Members of the organisation may hold individual membership of the Fourth International.

TRADE PY LODY

EXPERIENCE TEACHES

POLITICAL LESSONS

We are now only too familiar with the tactics which were usod against the campaign. But we learned to recognise the undemocratic manocu- This contributed in no small way to both the campaign and our own political education. It was sometimes suggested that the purpose of the motion was to gain publicity and thet the proposer bad 'ulterior" motives in putting the motion. Many a motion was lost on this count As the prisoners struggle reached crisis point, it became clear that the had to con- Isue was anti-imperialism. and any socialist worthy of the name nuw clearly knew where they stood.

In some disarray the sociabist 'establishment" reformisds, SFWP, the two-nationists While displaying remarkable adeptness at raising points of order, generally blocking discussion they also displaved s unity of purpose which exposed the identity of their politica as mere variations on an imperialist theme. Those who supported the prisoner ampaign had varying degrees of of the establishment and accepted the "advice' to remain 'rospoctable" and not "divide" the movement. Some Despite this, remarkable sucoesses were achieved. While the trade unios mosement did not formally unite bchind the struggle of the prisoners in the H Blocks and Armagh, sabstantial In so doing they stated quite clearly thar they intended to see the working class of this country united by defeating impertalism, not by appeasing it. able. bookshops; organised and experienced leadership.

can be held. organised discussion with representamovernent. ves and combat them quite effectively.

the Labour Party, the et al, turned to their union rule books.

having motions ruled out of order, and success within their individial unions.

Some were overawed by the authority lante groups, ete, of these who fought the "respecability" tag, fel foul of thie 'discredicing tactic.

would attend. PEOPLES DEMOCRACY has taken a big step forward in opening a new central office in Dublin. There are plans afoot to develop the resources avail- The key aspects of our plans are the provision of: * A Book Service, stocking a wide range of socialist and unti-imperialist literature not generally available in commercial * A Library, with a broad selection of works on history, economics and politics; * A Public Meeting Room, where discussions, forums and socialist education classes Plana for these projects are already anderway. We have an instial stock of material for the Book Service, a sclection of over 1.000 titles plus files of numerous papers for the Library. In addition we will soon have finalised details for the launching of a James Connolly Society which will orgınise forums addressed by, prominent members of the national and intemational revolutionary e SMASH-

NUOUE

On October 21st, at Liberty Hall a group of journalists met to discuss ways to improve Northern coverage.

The meeting was hard-hitting in pointing to the lies and distertions common in the press and radio and telovision during the course of the H Block hunger strike. The Jrish Independent won the prize for its coverage on the day of Bobby Sands' death. "Sands Deud" screamed the headline, "Others must die for his action", Inside the article read, 'In a way Sands is lucky, for him it is all uver." RTE'3 "Todav Tonicht" was slammed tor its adherenoo to the line of Sinm Fein the Workers Party, and journalists pointed out that it SFWP had a line opposed to state repression and Partition they would never be allowed this total control.

Another journalist pointed toa "scoop story, she had got, an exclusive interview with a released prisoner Mayor gets Marching Order A few months back, there was much talk of vandalism in the Southill area of Limerick.

Chronic unempleyment was expressing itself in anti-social behaviour, Various repressive.

solutions were offered — a Garda station for the area, bringing back the birch, vigi- While not pretending to offer a solution that veroones all the conscqucnoes of high unemployment, the Southill Community decided that a more humane approach was what was needed. It called s special Public Moeting to discuas the problem and made particular efforts

TES AMSINA TAAE THE BATE VUI!

people being slated os 'vandals At this meeting, the young people raised, as a major issue, the question of Garda harassment. After a long discussion, a youth action cornmittee was set up. This committee We hope to bring these plans to fruition by January. The financial outlay will be substantial. Already we have met the purchase of the Jease (E600) and initial reconstruction costs (E1,000) of our new headquarters largely from contributons from our own niembers. This, plus outstanding debts from the Belfast and Dublin North Central election campaigus means that we must look to our friend: and supporters to help us finance the next phase of development. We aim to raise t3,000 by the New Year. A quarter of this has been pledged by our own members. A further quarter has been pleceed by countrier. Tie temsining E1,500' we ask our friends to help us with.

There are a nuruher of ways in which YOU can help: PD looks forward to your support for this project, Donations may be sent to us c/o 38 Clanawley Rd., Killester, Dubiin S, or giroed directly into the Plough Bookservice No. 2 Account, no. 34704751, Bank of Ireland, O'Connell Bridge Branch, Dublin. In the meantime, if you have any suggestions please contact us at the above address or ring 744924.

Suuy Core EnreecE i MOUNTNO DE

ONTHLATE THE IEE HAAL

POMLA TON INTE SURnN IRA PISnEOs i Hist Eaposse.. «bir who had spoken to Bobby Sands only days before his death. Despite its ewsworthiness, this story wi uppressed, and never printer It wes decided to press for the establishment of codes to govern the reportage of events in the ó counties to do away with the "Gun happy terrorists" type coverage. A monitor- Ing committee involving the NUJ and other unions in the tield of journalism and broadcasting is to be act up to monitor reportage, and at templed victimisation of journalists who try lo give an alternative view from that of the status quo, Further aneetings are to be held and a critical look at what Vincent Browne called "plscatory" rather than investigatory Journalism in other Bekds (such 3. women's rights, property, strike coverage, etc.) will ie taken.

ROSE O'MAHONEY

ibsequently rook as its maint pre ect the removation of the loca Commmtity Hall C3000 was raised and backed by $3000 from Limcrick Corporation, Che committee turned the Hall Into a virtual palace open 7 nights a week for the youth of the When the job was complete the local press were invited along to soo the results and take the approprinte phologaphs. Always oor for being in the right place at the right timo, Mayor Tominy Allen, fa resident of the area) came along to be in the pictures. Unfortunately for him, the youth were intent on ensuring that no one wrabbed the crodit for their efforts, und, in no uncertuin fashion, lold him where to go.

Ironically, Tommy Allen had, in his early days, helped to build the Conmunity Hall but, all the same, it is heartening to see young people refusing to allow therselves to beoome the building blocks of a potitician's career. Well done Souchill Youth!