The Irish Citizen: Vol. 2 no. 1, early 1972

THE NATION WHICH ENSLA VES ANOTHER CAN NEVER ITSELF BE FREE.

THE IFISN cirizeN Vol. Il, NO. 1 Price 3p. i The manifesto of the Irish Solidarity Campaign, published on the centre pages of this issue, has been drawn up as the basis for discussion at ISC’s conference at Oxford on April 29-30.

It is the purpose of this conference to bring together all those who support the struggle against British imperialism in Ireland, and are prepared to do so on the basis of demands whick: leave no room for doubt about which side must win in the struggle for national liberation. The Irish Solidarity Campaign regards its demands and its programme as complimentary to those of the Anti-Internment League, in which we actively participate. While the AIL is a broad-based organisation which is able to attract many who find the actions and role of British troops in Ireland totally repugnant ISC believes that it is essential to declare open solidarity _ with those actually leading the strug- . Six ‘Countios. And trade unionists will not accept demands for an end to internment unless these are unequivocally linked with the right of the national- ISC’s demands must be raised atunion branches and shop stewards meetisigs.

Speakers are available to explain our programme. Delegates and observers will be welcomed at the conference.

Those who are totally opposed to the role of British imperialism in Ireland must make it a priority. Special Branch Raids This issue of the /rish Citizen contams only four pages because much of the editorial material which had been submitted for it, as well as whole pages already laid out for the printer, was seized in a Special Branch raid on the home of the editor—the second such raid made on the pretext of investigation concerning the. Aldershot explosion. The purpose of removing such items as diaries, documents, and journals, and as was done in many of the 60 raids in London and the south of England, is quite obviously intended tc improve the police’s so-called intelligence of those individuals and groups who are attempting to mount political resistance in Britain to the bourgeoisie’s campaign of military terror and suppression in the Six Counties. Yet it does not require much “intelligence” to appreciate that the removal of political and editorial material hampers the production of a newspaper and the operation of a solidarity campaign.

ISC has always recognised that by challenging the interests of the bourgeoisie in Ireland it would be plunging a knife into the quivering heart of the bourgeoisie’s metropolitan base. Attempts at repression is the predictable response. The next issue of the /rish Citizen will contain a full eight pages.

ist minority to determine its own future.

IRELAND: THE WAR

WILL GONTINGE

This issue of the /rish Citizen goes to press at the most crucial time in Irish history since the summer of 1921. Then, as now, British imperialism is in a process of manoeuvering to achieve one more “final solution”’ to the Irish problem.

British imperialism is still motivated by the same basic principles. And now, as then, it is up against the same difficulties.

Their problem is clear. After Bloody Sunday their military advisers recognise their inability to defeat the IRA unless they can isolate it from the Catholic population and force through sufficient political reforms in the North to allow Lynch to suppress the IRA in the South The problem is that if the “concessions™ offered to the Catholics are too great, they msk provoking the so-calied Protestant becilash. This backlash in fact means 2 vanguard pogrom against the Catholic working class Wi es ai arises not from any concern for the Eves or well-being of the Catholics m the North, bet rather from the knowledge that if these pogroms were allowed to take place they would set the South ablaze and threaten British capitalism there. Therefore this backlash must be contained, and this would mean bringing the British army into armed conflict with the Unionist regime who provide the finance and the legitimacy for the backlash. But Whitehall knows that any clash between British troops and the Orange Vanguard will have to be suppressed by the British army. This would lead to the disintegration of the Orange monolith which has been one of the main props of imperialist rule for 150 years and which Heath hopes to continue to use as part of his strategy for exploiting Ireland.

Thus any political solution which is offered, although it may tamper with the super-structure of the Orange state. will stop short of abolishing the state of Northern Ireland From the viewpoint of the nationalist mincrity in the Six Counties, concessions which stop short at the abolition of the state will mean that they must permanently remain prisoners within this artificial regime, and that any reforms will be subject to the good will of this regime. The best that any package deal can offer them is precisely the offer that they rejected in 1922.

Thus the most that any political initiative can achieve is a short pause in the present struggle, before the war continues.

It is in this situation that ISC views the explosion at Aldershot and the ban on Irish demonstrations in Trafalgar Square. We weep no tears for the blast which shattered the officers’ mess of the barbaric Parachute Regiment, while regecttimg thet Gvalkan employees of the British army were killed and not the officers and gentk men who were the tarect_ What we need to arm rom One ame Bed to construct m Britain 2 mass politcal ment on a pnincapled basis_ composed af a.

who will not run for cover as the sal Ee ound the ears of 13 injured officers: 2 mOWEEEEEE which sees that the answer to bams and prescue tions is the launching of a political campanss t force the withdrawal of these bans and to defend the democratic right of assembly and free speceh on the Irish issue. Only the Irish Solidarity Campaign provides the basis for such a movement, which emphasises the importance for all who support ISC to attend the conference at Oxford.

MOVE TOWARDS DUTCH I.5.C

Resolution of the Revolutionary Communist Youth-Revolte (RCJ-Revolte) The Central Committee of the Revolutionary Communist Youth-Revolte, draws the following conclusions out of the development of the struggle in Ireland: 1. The British army is fulfilling a double role, namely that of an occupying power in a foreign country and as a weapon in the class struggle. Although the class relations in Ireland is extremely complex, one can state that the suppression of the Catholic proletariat is directly connected with the privileges of the Protestants, aimed at emphasising the division between the two sections of the population, although a united struggle against the occupiers is to the advantage of both. 2. The British Army in Ireland has falsely arrogated to itself the role of peacemaker.

Should, however, a real situation of civil war develop, the ‘incidents’ would not be exclusively confined to the Catholic areas.

3. North Ireland is, thanks to the Special Powers Acts, a police state, comparable to Portugal and Spain. The British Intelligence Service (with a special ‘Black Propaganda’ unit) plays a particularly'black role in this set up. 4. The formation of Protestant Self-Defence organisations has nothing in common with the self-defence of the Protestant proletariat, but has in mind the linking of these organisations with the actions of the Army and the police against the Catholic workers.

5. The IRA, in contrast to earlier periods, have learned to assure for itself the support of the Catholic Irish workers and peasants.

Although it cannot be described as a fullfledged socialist organisation, it deserves, in this phase of the struggle, the unconditional support of Socialists. 6. The reolutionary struggle in Ireland has great potentialities but its success depends on the revolutionary struggle in Great Britain and Western Europe. The RCJ-Revolte makes its organisation available for the building of a Netherlands section of the Irish Solidarity Campaign.

We put forward the following slogans:

FREE ALL INTERNEES AND POLITICAL

PRISONERS.

WITHDRAW BRITISH TROOPS NOW.

FOR THE VICTORY OF THE IRISH

REPUBLICAN ARMY (IRA)

(translated from REVOLTE, January, '72 Organ of the RCJ-Revolte)

The Irish Solidarity Campaign has been in existence for over 18 months and on the Irish issue on an All-British scale. It has initiated and supported demonstrations, picke:s, public meetings, university tours, conferences, and rallies, Through its paper,7he Jrish Citizen, it has pointed out the main issues before the Irish people, and the need for action in Britain to support them.

Since the latest and most vicious stage of the attempts of British imperialism to subjugate the Irish people, beginning last August, ISC has grown dramatically; new branches have Sprung up, and existing branches have grown rapidly. 1SC, with its distinctive political line and its clear conceptions about the kind of solidarity action needed, has been seen as the focus of the struggle in Britain by increasing numbers of militants.

Now the time has come to consolidate the Campaign, and to knit it into a powerful force capable of taking the initiative in Britain in the struggle against the oppression of the Irish people. The purpose of this manifesto is to state the Campaign’s views on the Struggle in Ireland, sum up the experience of the solidarity, move ment to date, and propose the methods by which it can be built.

THE BASIS OF THE IRISH STRUGGLE

The present stage of Ireland’s historic struggle began as a peaceful movement for civil rights in the North, but the nature of the _ Northern state meant that these could not created 2 crisis which threatened to bring down the NOrthern state. The intervention of British troops saved the state, but at the cost of denying any hope of progress to the minority. Forced into a corner, the minority has responded with the instrument resorted ‘to by countless generations of their prede- | @essors—the gun. The struggle has become a fight to undo the muschief wrought by the defeats and betrayals of the past, and it has become clear that there can be no change within Ireland, for the benefit of any section of the Irish people, without the overthrow of the settlement of 1922, which partitioned Ireland and delivered both portions, bound and gagged, into the hands of the old enemy.

The failure, or, more accurately, the abortion of the national struggle of 1916-21 created two artificial and reactionary states, which were a grotesque parody of the hopes of the leaders of the Easter Rising, and which have put into question the survival of the Irish nation,

THE SOUTH

In the 26 counties, the Treaty and the defeat of the Republicans placed the newborn Irish Free State in the hands of that section of the national movement which had stood aside in 1916. They created a conservative, clerical state, which was politically subservient to, and tied economically to Britain, The rise of Fianna Fail reflected the frustration of the mass of the Irish people, who had syimpathised with Republican opposition to the Free State; but Fianna Fail represented only a different section of the men of property, and could only proceed in a limited way to redress the balance between Ireland and Britain. Having accepted the 1922 settlement Fianna Fail had to match every step forward with a quid pro quo, Thus despite the limited success of the economic war, and the gaining of concessions over the Oath, and the Crown (which were only much later to be consumated in all their meaninglessness by the Fine Gael/Clann na Poblachta “Republic” of 1948), Fianna Fail was obliged to take stern measures against those who were not prepared to accept the treaty.

Nevertheless the short lived tariff barriers between Ireland and Britain, and the “‘economic miracle” of Sean Lemass, created a weak and limited industrial base, heavily dependent on foreign capital, but important in the overall context of the Irish economy, North and South.

THE NORTH

The Northern State could only exist by means of institutionalising a series of antidemocratic relationships. Religious sectarianism and the ideology of the Orange Order created a bloc of the Protestant land owning, industrial and small bourgeoisie, the petty bourgeoisie, the workers and small farmers. This ensured a stable electoral base for the Unionist Party, which was guaranteed by means of gerry-mandering and political patronage. The opposition of the Catholic and nationalist section of the population was neutralised—by discrimination in jobs and housing, by electoral disenfranchisement, and by forced emigration. In the last resort physical terror ensured that successive generations of the minority understood that they could hope only for bloody repression if they tried to break out of their subjugation, this demoralised them, and erased any hope of change from their minds.

But the decline of the traditional industries of the North, and the vast subsidy to its so cial services, led the. British bourgeoisie to question the value of maintaining this reactionary enclave. The changing balance of forces between the economies of North and South made a rapprochement with the Southern bourgeoisie an attractive proposition, and the impending entry into the EEC ‘meant that Britain had to ensure the closest possible relationship with the Southérn economy, whose agriculture is important to offset the dear food policy of the EEC. In the long term such a new relationship requires the ending of partition, and an Ireland united in economic subjugation to Britain, albeit politically independent. Such a re-structuring of relationships is no easy matter. It would involve defusing the political tensions within Ireland, and dismantling the whole elaborate scaffolding which has pinned down the Irish people for fifty years. In addition, overcoming the structural differences caused by the different evolution of the Northern economy since the 1801 Act of Union would require vast amounts of capital invest ment, and the patient teasing out of ca. change, British imperialism haS discovered that it has neither the time nor the money to complete it.

THE BARRICADES

This inability was revealed by the course of events from the October 1968 demonstration in Derry to August 1969. The attack on a peaceful Civil Rights march by the RUC showed that the Six-County state forces retained their traditional attitude to political action by the minority; but the changes which had taken place had created a new consciousness among that minority. The O’Neill/Lemass talks, the discussion of future changes in the Irish setup, and the concessions already made in the education sector, (which had created a generation of young Catholics who were not demoralised), all served to stir up the minority to resist this attack—and they flooded to the Civil Rights banner. The resistance to the Civil Rights struggle by extreme Protestant elements, backed up by the RUC and ‘B’ specials, served only to swell the ranks of the Civil Rights movement, despite the savagery of the Burntollet ambush.

Simultaneously the Unionist bloc began to disintegrate, as the Protestant workers moved over to support for Paisley, and other ultra- Orange formations such as the UVF. By August ‘69 their frustration and anger at what they conceived to be a sell-out had reached boiling point. Behind the RUC and the ‘B’ Specials they attempted to wreak vengeance on the Bogside and Falls, but again the change in the situation was underlined. These attacks were beaten off, yet behing the barricades the minority held firm, throwing into sharp relief the picture of a Stormont Government unable to control the situation.

Without the intervention of British troops, the Unionist Government could not have survived this crisis; but British imperialism had taken a political decision to save it. Initially a large part of this was to confuse the minority, (the British Army had ostensibly gone in to rescue the Falls and Bogside from a pogrom), but it was inevitable that they would turn their guns on the nationalist population.

It was the attack on the Falls in July 1970 which finally destroyed these illusions, In incident after incident in the preceding months the British Army had been used against the minority, but in July 1970 they imposed an illegal curfew on the Falls, and carried out ex- = Ty 3 radiction Over a.protracted tensive arms searches. Four men were callously murdered, and there were wide and indiscriminate arrests. The Official IRA fought the longest gun battle that there had been between Irishmen and the British Army since 1918-21].

The Falls curfew was only the logical working out of British imperialism’s policies; while they wanted to give Ireland a normalised Six Counties, and an eventual united Ireland, they could not afford to let the Irish people take the slightest concession. They knew that the delicate exercise of re-structuring the relationships between Ireland and Britain could only succeed if they maintained strict control over each step in the process. The arms search in the Falls and the searches which preceded and followed it were the product of their fear that the minority, able to defend itself against another August ‘69, would become a powerful independent political force. The searches were also meant as an act of appeasement to the ultra-protestant forces, to hole up the disintegration of the Unionist bloc.

URBAN GUERRILLA WARFARE

The breach of the unwritten truce which had held from August ‘69 to July ‘70 escalated the struggle to the level of physical force; urban guerrilla warfare, carried out mainly by th 4 6348 ~~ ee « OF mr == = AS gust “71 was an attempt to weaken the military capacity of the IRA, and a further sop to the extreme Protestants to keep Faulkner in power. While it has had some political success it has been useless militarily. But the blatantly discriminatory nature of internment, the accomodation with the UVF-backed vigilante committees, and the tenor of British press propaganda points to one conclusion: British imperialism has postponed any reform in the North for the foreseeable future, and is attempting to crush the resistance of the minority completely. Thus we have seen that the inability of the British and Irish bourgeoisie to alter the 1922 settlement has deepened the content of the struggle, now they are unanimous in their determination to sweep Stormont aside for ever.

The springing up of committees to organise and coordinate the civil resistance is of tremendous significance. Linked from street to street and town to town they could create a structure of popular control which could challenge Stormont.

THE 26 COUNTIES

This struggle is already spilling over into the 26 counties. Athlone, in a direct parallel with the battle of Bogside, the Garda Siochana and Irish Army were fought off, and at Ballyshannon the people fought to protect the IRA from the Southern state forces. The pressure on the Fianna Fail Government to collaborate with British imperialism, and the possibility that this could lead to internment in the South will mean more such clashes. The economic situation in the South and entry into the EEC will require attacks on wages, jobs and social services, The workers and small farmers will draw on the experience of the North in their response. 5 oi is ois fs ae oe oie ie a ie so oe oh ok oe oe The line of development is clear, The struggles of all sections of the Irish people are being drawn together and sharpened by the events in the North. The overthrow of the 1922 settlement, the unification of Ireland, and the passing of the ownership and control of the wealth of Ireland into the hands of the Irish people themselves is the logical outcome of this process. It is the mobilisation of the entire Irish people to dismantle the structures of 50 years of repression which is the best way of winning the Protestant workers in the North away from their reactionary allegiances. When they see that there can be no return to the old ways in Ireland, and that any resistance to change will be met with the solid might of a united Irish people, such resistance will in a large F. part melt, and be reduced in significance. The example of what a risen Irish people can achieve will draw the majority of the Protestant workers behind the banner of the Irish Revolution.

THE ROLE OF THE IRISH SOLIDARITY

CAMPAIGN

The ISC aims to create the most effective possible second front in Britain, to support the Irish struggle at whatever level it has reached. To do this we are trying to build a united movement around a common programme of action, and a common understanding of the links between the struggles of the working people in Ireland, England, Scotland and Wales. Since its inception in October 1970 ISC has tried to unite three different elements in Britain: the Irish exiles, the British student movement, and the British working class and socialist movement.

THE PRECEDENTS

We see a number of parallels and precedents for our movement and we have already built up a considerable body of experience of the means whereby an effective solidarity movement can be built. We associate ourselves with the tradition of the International Working Men’s Association, which, inspired by Marx and Engels organised demonstrations and agitated for the release of the Fenian prisoners, and which declared that Ireland was the key to destruction of the might of the British Empire, and shouldbe placed in the forefront of the struggles of the British working class. We associate ourselves with the clear internationalism of Lenin when he fought for the principle of the rights of oppressed nations to self-determination, and

HY IRISH

LUDARITY

MPAIGN 2

vand-Suly,” defended the Easter Rising against its “socialit” detractors. We associate with the principled stance of the Third International when it made membership for parties in imperialist countries conditional on their giving concrete support to the struggles of nations oppressed by “their” own bourgeoisie. We see a parallel in the movement in France to support the Algerian struggle, and our most recent parallel in the international movement of solidarity with the struggle against US imperialism in Vietnam.

THE ORIGINS OF ISC

Following the rise of the Civil Rights Movement attempts were made in London to start an effective solidarity movement in Britain. The initial impetus came from some Irish militants, and the spark was lit by the election of Bernadette Devlin to West minster. She spoke at mass meetings in various parts of the London and Home Counties area, which attracted large numbers of Irish exiles. For a time the ICRSC (Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign, as ‘it was then.called) began to develop a ICRSC’s h igh point came in August *69 Q Don) a ™ - o tion, and called demonstrations with varying levels of success. But its support steadily eroded due to the false ideas among the mass of Irish exiles about the role of the British Army and the intentions of the British Government. From this slough it gradually emerged with a new role, as an anti-imperialist solidarity campaign. This coincided with other developments in Ireland and Britain which created what was effectively a new kind of movement.

The shift in the nature of the struggle in Ireland after July ’70 meant a commensurate change in the nature of the solidarity movement, from a movement supporting the demands of the Civil Rights movement, to one which supported the struggle against British imperialism. ISC was born out of the conjuncture of three processes: the changing of the ICRSC in London into an anti-imperialist group; the spontaneous growth of solidarity committees in various places; and the split in the Republican Movement, which meant that those who stayed with the Officials in Britain, in Clann na hEireann, were anxious to collaborate with the British revolutionary left.

THE IRISH EXILES

Since the great Famine there has been a large and permanent Irish population, which has been an important constituent element within the working class in Britain. This emigrant population has never relinquished its ties with the old country, and has created a layer of social, cultural, sporting and political organisations which link together many thousands of Irish people, and people of Irish descent.

Originally the Irish suffered severe’ discrimination, and was subjected to racialist oppression of the type now imposed upon black people, but in the last few decades this discrimination has to a great extent eroded, and the Irish have been integrated into the British population without losing their cultural distinctiveness. This is most of all true within industry, where the Irish not only fight side by side with their fellow workers in Britain, but play a role in the trade union movement quite out of proportion to their number, During the latest round of the Irish struggle, the Irish in Britain have responded at best irregularly. Large numbers have participated in rallies and demonstrations from time to time, and considerable sums of money have been raised, but there has been no consistent intervention by the Irish in Britain which . corresponds with their strength, or their strategic position within industry. This can be attributed to two factors: hesitancy about incurring hostility from the British population, (which is strengthened by residual memories of past oppression); and a lack of leadership from exile political organisations, which have seen their role as that of supporting movements at home and making political propaganda to Irish people in Britain, but have not seen the potential on the lish exiles for changing the political situation within Britain itself.

THE BRITISH WORKING CLASS

The British working class is one of the most powerful and best organised in the world--one shrug of its shoulders would send the whole edifice of imperialist oppression crashing to the ground. However it is a fact of history that the British workers have rarely either oppressed by British imperialism, or seen the necessity to make common cause with them.

the ideology of Fabianism and by a priviledged bureaucracy which considers that colla- This should lead not to despair, but to determination. It is possible to begin to break down the barriers, and there are stong possibilities that the Irish question could shake th= British working class very deeply. The struggle in Ireland comes almost at the last gasp of the Empire. Since the Second Worid War Britain’s place among the imperialist powers has dwindled continually; the old assumptions of Empire and Order have been challenged and defeated one by one. This has been reflected in a whole number of ways. The old relationship between unions, employers, and the government, which was based on the ability of industry to grant concession after concession, has given way to a war to the knife aimed at smashing the independent organisation of the working class. There has been a steady polarisation within British politics, reflected in the rightward course of the present Tory government. There is, especially among young workers and students, a more critical attitude to the assumptions of the past about the stability and continuity of politica’ life in Britain. The Irish struggle will probably excalate much further militarily, involving the deaths of many more “economic conscripts”, and despair within the British Army and people about getting out of the quicksand. The running sore of Ireland will frustrate every attempt to solve the crisis of British capitalism, and will add heat to every other political problem. Already the high proportion of people reported in opinion polls as favouring the withdrawal of troops from Ireland is evidence of growing war weariness, A solidarity movement must try to turn this despair and frustration into a conscious rejection of the government’s policy, and an understanding of, and support for, the strugg’e of the Irish people. In our struggle to win the British working class to a position of solidarity with the struggle in Ireland, we have one firm advantage which, in the long run will prove decisive. The defeat of British imperialism in Ireland is not merely in the interests of (the British working class, A victory for the British Army in the North should represent a tremendous increase in the prestige, political credibility and belief in the efficiency of repression of the British ruling class. 11 would strengthen every reactionary force within Britain, It is no accident that the most vocal supporters of British policy in N, Ireland are men such as Mad Mitch Mitchell, the butcher of Aden, and other neofascist elements of the ruling class. The defeat of British imperialism would represent a tremendous political defeat for ruling class and would conclusively show that even the most barbarous of repressive policies can be defeated. It would be a direct victory for all the forces, including most importantly the British working class, who are opposed to the British ruling class, It is a common interest and not moral feeling which will win the British working class to solidarise themselves with the struggle in Ireland.

THE STUDENT MOVEMENT

Students all over the world have taken the lead in opposing imperialist oppression, and although British students have not played as large a role as their counterparts in Europe, North America, and Japan, large numbers of them have participated in struggles against imperialism. It was the students in the main who made Vietnam a major political issue in Britain, and who pioneered new and exemplary forms of political action in doing so. To date the response of British students to the Irish issue has not matched the Vietnam movement. Nevertheless the experience of the ISC tour of the universities in the Autumn of 1970 and other meetings in colleges and universtities has shown a wide potential for student involvement. While we do not envisage that students will play as central a role in an Irish solidarity movement as they did for the Vietnamese struggle, the potential is great enough for us to pay particular attention to mobilizing students. An important advantage to be gained from this sector is assistance in internationalising the Irish issue. The ISC has had contacts with militants in a large number of countries, and solidarity actions have been carried out in a large number of countries, and solidarity actions have been carried out in Sweden, Denmark, Germany, Belgium, the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Japan.

Interest in the Irish question has been stimulated in France, Switzerland, Italy, Holland and India. In most of these cases the initiative has come from student militants.

THE KEY

In propaganda lass, studs home to the British workers the importance of the Irish issue and open them to counterpropaganda about the facts of British oppression in Ireland. However, we do not deceive ourselves that the igniting of such processes is an easy matter. Before the Irish exiles can be moved in the mass they need to be convinced that there is a chance of winning over the British workers and that they will not simply be exposing themselves to hostility. This means that the most immediate objectives of the solidarity movement consist of education and propaganda designed to combat the concensus of opinion among British workers about Ireland, paying special attention to the most militant sections of the labour movement, and work among Irish exiles which will make them feel their strength, and give them the self-confidence to strike an effective blow for Ireland within Britain. Apart from those sectors mentioned above we must try to win support from two others.

The other immigrants in Britain, particularly blacks, have much more direct knowledge of the reality of British imperialism, and can understand the situation in Ireland once the facts are placed before them. Indeed, an allegiance of Irish and black immigrants against their common oppressor would be of great value ia weakening British imperialism. In Scotland and Wales, nationalist and separatist movements have gained considerable support in recent years. These have to some extent been inspired by the Irish example, and some sections have close links with Ireland. While not committing its members to a specific position on the question of independence for Scotland and Wales. ISC stretches out a hand to these movements and invites them to join with us in support of the struggle in Ireland.

THE KIND OF MOVEMENT WE NEED

All of this determines the kind of movement we are attempting to build. ISC is neither an Irish organisation in Britain, nor a movement of British people in solidarity with the Irish struggle; it is an attempt to combine both of these and make use of the links between them to grease the slope of British imperialism’s decline, We recognise that only such a combined movement can be effective either in mobilising support from British militants, or in creating an effective movement of Irish exiles. However, the combination of Irish and British within its ranks does not mean that it has a dual programme. Its programme is determined by the secondary role it plays in relation to the struggle in Ireland itself, and by its ultimate aim, that of winning the British working class to the side of the Irish people.

Its demands are strictly confined to those proper for a solidarity movement, and it does not seek to dictate the direction of the struggle in Ireland.

THE SLOGANS OF ISC

Self-determination for Ireland. This is the main principled slogan on which all of our activity is based. Concretely it means that we support the struggle in Ireland at whatever stage it has reached and we do not seek to make any demands on the Irish movement as a prerequisite for our solidarity. We make our main target the domination of Ireland by British imperialism, and seek to mobilise support for the right of the Irish people to decide their own destiny free from the political or economic domination of any foreign power.

Withdraw All British Troops Now. This slogan flows logically from the first, since it is mainly by the presence of large numbers of British troops that British imperialism is able to prop up its rotten structure of repression in Ireland.

We reject the argument that the troops are preventing a bloodbath—any movement in Ireland and Britain which was strong enough to force the withdrawal of the troops would be strong enough to ensure the defence of the people. In any case this argument becomes more and more ludicrous in the face of the bloodbath resulting from the presence of the troops. The only principled position fora movement in Britain is the rejection of the right of the oppressor to send forces to main tain British rule in Ireland. We cannot and will not countenance the presence of a single British soldier in Ireland. -— End Internment and Release All Irish P a, = Prisoners Now. This is the most unifying and historic slogan, which again flows from the right of British imperialism to hold a single Irish man or woman who has fought for Ireland, or is suspected of having fought. We demand their immediate and unconditional ye Ours@lves to work for “aid of them and their dependents.

Victory to the IRA. It has been the military resistance of the Provisional and Official IRA which has underpinned the political resistance of the Six County minority, and has inspired the support of increasing numbers in the 26 counties. Again the slogan flows from the self-determination postion. British imperialism is involved in a war against the IRA, and we are’ for the defeat of British imperialism and the success of the IRA. The fact that Republicanism has emerged as the vanguard of the Irish people is a result of the history which we discussed earlier.

ISC’S ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE OTHER

MOVEMENTS ACTIVE ON THE IRISH

QUESTION

ISC is a unique organisation; no other organisation is trying to play the role which it has taken upon itself. It differs from Irish exile organisations in making its main aim the eventual mobilisation of the British working class, and containing both Irish and British militants within its ranks. It differs from British working class and socialist organisations in being devoted to the single issue of Ireland. It differs from other coalitions at present existing in having already. built an all-British structure and having a broader political basis, and clearer conception of the long-term strategy needed to build an effective solidarity movement,and most importantly having a clear and open position for the defeat of the British army in Ireland.

i is because of its unique nature that it can play a role in uniting the various organisations and individuals interested in the Irish struggle.

ISC already has worked with a large number of British and Irish organisations, and has a proud record of fostering unity in action between itself and other movements. We intend to extend this kind of work in the future, confident that our programme and aims will be supported by increasing numbers of British and Irish militants,

JOIN ISC

We invite all who support this manifesto, organizations and individuals, to joinwith us in building a powerfukmovement which will open up a second front in Britain of solidarity with the struggle in Ireland. For details see, back page.

% = “=

The /rish Citizen has frequently stressed the link between the struggle of the working class in Britain and that of the nationalist population of Ireland: but the quick review of the _ *statements made by the organised working class, which was carried in the last issue, served only to show how far the trade union leadership runs away from ideas of solidarity towards those of compromise or avoidance of the issue. It would be pessimistic, however, to stop there and not to try to present a few ideas on how ISC can win the organised working class to a solidarity position.

In view of the content of some of the motions put forward by trade union branches, the most important question is whether those who devised them are simply confused about what is happening in Ireland, or whether their ideas are linked to the particular interests they are pursuing. If the former were the case, it would merely be necessary to put out enough information to correct the distortions often accepted as fact. On the other hand, if the political pronouncements of the trade union leadership have a material basis, which differs from that of the rank and file it is necessary to analyse this and make it quite explicit.

Many British trade unions have a considerable membership among the Protestant community of the Six Counties. This has a bearing on the thinking of those officials who are primarily concerned with keeping this membership within the fold of their particular union- in other

-IRA-

SOLIDARITY

WITH THE

_ MINERS

a o ___ which puzzled many people was why an obviously reactionary government like Heath's did not resort to the use of troops "to break the picket lines. One of the most | important reasons why this type of force iz was not used is because the government | dreads taking any action which might link the struggle of the nationalist minority in _ freland to the struggle of the British working class itself. The government was clever enough to realise the tremendous radicalising and solidarising effect reports of troop brutalities against the Catholic working class ghettos would have, when placed alongside reports of soldiers intimidating and manhandling miners in an effort to break both their picket lines and their strike.

During the strike the one place able to maintain a constant supply of power was the North-East of Ireland. This was because coal from Poland and elsewhere in Europe, which was blacklisted by dockers all over Britain,was handled freely by the Belfast dockers who muttered their sympathy with the miners.but stated that the security situation -was too dangerous for Belfast to be plunged into darkness’. The dockers of Belfast have a record of discrimination against Catholics and support for the Unionist hierarchy,and now, organised under William Hull of the Loyalist Workers, have once again shown their blatant disregard towards working class solidarity.

Inside the 26 counties, the port of Dundalk.

was used to unload thousands of tons of coal originally destined for the South, Some local coal merchants saw in the strike an opportunity to make a quick profit and began conveying the coal into the North using a fleet of lorries. This operation was not overlooked by the local IRA who immediately demonstrated their solidarity with the miners’ struggle by hi-jacking these scab lorries and burning them on the border near Newry.

One of the least talked about links between the South and the North was the connection between their electricity grids, which can transfer power from one grid to the other in times of shortage. This link almost totally blocked the effects in the north of the power workers go-slow in the winter of 1970-71, and would undoubtedly have been used again during the miners’ strike. But un; fortunately for Stormont the IRA spotted this connection too and blew it up earlier this year. ‘—SSr F words they put the interests of the organisation as such above the class interests of the membership. This was represented in its most extreme form by an official who said that it would be “unfair” to one side or the other for his union to express any official view at all.

A second factor is that the: trade union lea- ‘ dership in Britain to a large extent found a comfortable place within the existing system and prefers to concentrate on limited economic objectives rather than pose questions of political power. They bring this bias to their understanding of what is happening in the North of Ireland. From this flows the cry for the Irish people to concentrate on what are referred to as “working class issues” -in other words, purely economic issues. Of course, we are all in favour of better housing and more jobs; but in the Six Counties the progressive section of the population has come to realise that these cannot be won within the existing northern Ireland state which is based on sectarianism, which gives privileges to Protestant workers, which, though they are small, are nevertheless denied to the Catholic section of the population.

Slogans which call on the Irish people to forget the national question in favour of illusory Protestant-Catholic unity are pernicious, particularly when put forward by supposedly left wing groups. They hold the struggle back rather than putting forward perspectives that will serve to advance it. Thus, one finds the To avoid. any accusation of bias in recommending all our readers to purchase Bob Purdie's pamphlet ‘Ireland Unfree” we are publishing a completely independent review of it, which appeared originally in the Bristal University Socialist Society Magazine “Offensive” Vol. 6, No.3. Bob Purdie’s pamphlet is surprisingly good and very well written. Despite an atrocious title (what does it mean and who was it written for?+ and a factual mistake on page 2, it is the best work | have seen on Ireland. It starts with an account of the civil rights movement and a short history of Ireland from the plantation of Ulster.

He deals in greater detail with the events of 1916- 22, Ireland’s bourgeois democratic revolution, which was then aborted is now being completed.

In other words, the struggie is about the continued existence of, not the reform of, the Orange state. His best chapters, containing much material that is original, deal-with the Irish Bourgeois Parties, the Political Left and Republicanism.

His section on the Alliance Party, which we will undoubtedly be hearing more of as British imperialism hunts around for “moderates” who are willing to accept Stormont, is brief but worth quoting. “These groups consist of a small section of the Protestant and Catholic middle class, who would like to see a non-sectarian state, in which they could live undisturbed. This is a dream becalse 1) they are part of a social layer which is too small, and which has such slender historical roots that it cannot balance between the major forces in Six County society, and 2) it wants to create this paradise within the borders of Northern Ireland. If the Prime Minister of N. Ireland, backed by all the power of British Imperialism could not do it, there is little chance of the middle class doing it.” The section on the Irish Left contains good analysis of the PD and the Irish Communist Organisation. His claim that “We are confident that when the history of Irish Trotskyism is written, it will record that the Irish section of the Fourth International played the key role in concerting the Republican/Marxist leadership of the Irish Revolution” is the only lapse into wishful thinking in the whole pamphlet. (I do not mean to imply WHY TUs HOLD BACK stages theory put forward by the Communist Party calls for the democratisation of Stormont before the national question can be considered. This is completely out of step with what is actually happening, for the struggle began as a civil rights struggle and has already gone past that stage.

It is not enough to reject this theory: all attempts by the English left to use the Irish struggle for their own ends must be resisted.

The slogan “English and Irish unite to defeat the Tories” can be heard in some quarters.

While the Republicans are asserting their right to decide their own future free from Britain, the British left calls for the Irish to do their work for them. This is notthe kind of solidarity we stand for. The Irish people have shown that they do not want a ““democratic’’ Stormont, or a so-called Bill of Rights given to them by the British government. We believe that their struggle is just, and that the long term interests of all sections of the working class will be served by the abolition of the sectarian Orange state, for only when this happens can the common bond uniting the two sections of the working class overcome the officially encouraged sectarianism of today. The victory of the Irish people will help labour militants in this country, but first it is necessary to be clear that we stand wholeheartedly for the right of the Irish people to self determination. This is the only effective class basis for solidarity.

by Anne Dale ‘Ireland A A Hite | Review | that he will be proved wrong, but merely that it is absurd to claim it as a scientific prediction).

The chapter on ‘“‘Republicanism”’ is the first scientific account of its nature that I have seen. It is all the more welcome coming from the IMG, considering their tendency to romanticize the IRA in the “Red Mole’’, Purdie has produced a very clear and cool assessment of the two IRAs and does much to shatter many of the illusions propagated by the Guardian and the British Left (including the CPGB) about the differences between the Officials and the Provos.

The final chapter “The coming Irish Revolution” applies the theory of Permanent Revolution to the Irish situation and compares it with Russia, where the theory originated. (I’m glad to see the 1.S.’s Lrish offspring, the SWM, has accepted this analysis of the lrish Struggle, cf. the latest edition of “The Worker”. Also for an alternative view, an interesting article by T. Cliff, “Deflected Permanent Revolution” in International Socialism No.1 2). His assessment of the Protestant workers is personally difficult to accept but I feel nevertheless that it is a realistic one. He attacks the view that the Protestants are a separate nation and realises that, ‘tnone of the formulas which have been tried have succeded in denting the counter-revolutionary consciousness of the Protestant workers, and other proposed strategies have major flaws in them. “To fight the Irish Revolution in the face of the hostility of these workers would be terrible and costly, but it may be necessary; it could be weigh ted against the implications of allowing the Six Counties to go on for another 50 years”.

He sees correctly that any attempt to smash the Orange state will require the help of the Southern working class. Senarios for the future must consider the whole of Ireland as the political arena, not just the North. To conclude then. [ haven't had the time nor the space to give this work the consideration it requires. A much more critical, and thorough, assessment, at a higher level, is required. The pamphlet is excellent, original, well written, and lacking in any temptation at sectarian sniping. | recommend any socialists, who consider themselves to be Marxists, to study it.

AUSTEN MORGAN

Published by Irish Solidarity Campaign, 22 Duncan Terrace, London N.1.

_ These arrests were the result of

ANTI-INTERNMENT LEAGUE

TRADE UNION CONFERENCE

A trade union conference held by the Anti- Internment League on Sunday, 5 March, attracted well over 100 people, including 90 trade unionists from 18 different unions.

The conference was like a curate’s egg—good in parts. Mike Cooley, president of the tech- - nical section of the Amalgamated Union of Engineering Workers, made an excellent speech pointing out that any defeated suffered by British imperialism in Ireland would represent a substantial victory for the British working class. He also agreed with a speaker from the Irish Solidarity Campaign that no campaign in this country which failed to come out in clear support of the IRA could be built on the necessary effective basis—a class basis. Another excellent speaker was Dermot Kelly of People’s Democracy, who spoke about the Northern Resistance Movement and also stressed the necessity to side clearly with the IRA in the present struggle.

Unfortunately, however, the attitude persisted that politics and ‘practical proposals’ were two totally different topics. A suggestion for a campaign in the trade union movement to eradicate its latent chauvinism by stressing the need to support the IRA was ruled out of order. Instead all that came out of the conference was arrangements for co-ordination and committees. These are, of course, necessary—but the fact remains that unless the politics of our response to the Irish struggle are discussed seriously, and keyed in consciously to our intervention in the labour movement, then we may well usk: co-ordination for what?

IRISH SOLIDARITY

DEFENCE FUND

Well over a hundred people were arrested on — the Irish demonstration in Londononthe Saturday after the Derry massacre. Mai more have been arrested in other post-D demonstrations elsewhere. = eke = te a DO as in many ways to that of the British troops in Derry,—to intimidate and deter people from coming out in support of the Irish ae?

struggle. It is necessary now to show very clearly that the State will fail in this aim, that it cannot prevent the growth of a solidarity movement here, in the imperialist heartland. But it will only fail if we can show ourselves capable of defending those who come out on such demonstrations, and ensuring that they suffer the minimum disruption to their lives as a result of the intimidatory actions of the State.

The Irish Solidarity Defence Fund has been set up for this purpose, to help offset the considerable costs which are being incurred by those appearing in the courts as a result of those demonstrations. We appeal to all those who support the right to demonstrate in support of the Irish struggle to give generously to this fund; the alternative is likely success for the State in its attempt to intimidate those demonstratjng, and thus prevent the growth of a significant Irish solidarity movement in this country. Postal Orders and Cheques should be made out to the ‘Irish Solidarity Defence Fund’ and sent c/o 37 Gordon Mansions, Torrington Place, London W.C.]. All contributions will be acknowledged.

IRISH SOLIDARITY CONFERENCE

BUXTON HALL, RUSKIN

COLLEGE, WALTON STREET,

OXFORD.

ISC is holding its second conference in Oxford on the weekend of April 29-30.

The conference is open to all who support the four demands of the ISC, though not necessarily its analysis.

For details, contact:Gus Fagin 116, Summertown House, Banbury Road,Oxford. Tel.0865-57883. Join the IRISH SOLIDARITY CAMPAIGN For further details contact:

ISC, 22 DUNCAN TERRACE,

LONDON N.1.