The Plough: Vol. 1 no. 2, c. 1971

PLOUGH

THE ALDERSHOT EXPLOSION

In recent weeks we have seen the Fianna Fail government begin to use the notorious Offences against the State Act. The Aldershot explosion

TOWARDS AN IRISH WORKERS REPUBLIC

TORIES OUT

NORTH AND

SOUTH!

The Tories of Westminster, Stormont and Lenster House are moving rapidly towards a "political solution" to the Six Co. crisis.

But before such a compromise can be agreed upon the IRA must be detached from its popular support and defeated. As its contribution the Fianna Fail Government is getting ready to clamp down on the Republican Movement in the South

REPRESSION

The F.F. Ard Feis put the matter beyond all question. The threat to return certain people for trial, to place restriction on bail, and to use military courts and internment as a last resort" is the first stage in this attack. Onee the soil of public opinion has been softened the government will dig in.

Already, almost without notice, the use of the Offences Against the State Act is being increasingly used. Early in January Gardai raided the Sinn Fein Offices in Gardner Place.

Six Provisionals were arrested under Section 21 and more recently we are witnessing a systematic countrywide campaign of arrest and harrassment of members of the Official Republican Movement,

COLLABORATION

It is ludicrous for the government to claim that this last action was carried out in view of the Aldershot explosion. In the light of many recent speeches and statements such a move was to be expected. All that was required was a pretext, and like the hypocrites that they are, they seized on Aldershot, No, it was not a revulsion at Aldershot but part of the Tory-FF plan which dictated this action.

NORTH AND SOUTH

This brings home, once more the vital need to link the struggle North and South, The illusion still exists in some places, especiully among the Provisionals, that as long as the Free State Government is not bothered it will return the This is an attitude on the one hand favour. which refuses to draw any lessons from history.

It forpets about the behaviour of the Finnna Fail rezime during the 1956-62 campaign, during the Forties and the Thirties. On the otber hand, it fails to understand what makes the Free State move Le. the money strings manipulated at Westminster by Ted Heath.

Fianna Fail and the social forces which back it are so dependent on British capital that they have become the agents of British policy in Ireland. Consequently, any fight against British imperialism must automatically become a fight not only against the Unionists but also against Fianna Fail.

SOLIDARITY

At the moment the Unionists and Fianna Fail have already joined forces in a joint campaign of repression. Socialists and Republicans are now obliged to unite and fight back. The struggle must be extended into the South; a canpaign to expose the Fiannu Fail quislings is a precondition for siding the people in the North and defeating British Imperialism.

the The responsibility for the bomb attack on the officers' headquarter at Aldershot has been accepted by the Official IRA. It was an act of military retaliation for the coldblooded murder of thirteen unarmed civilians in Derry on Bloody Sunday: Tragically five women workers were inadsertantly killed. This tragedy has been cynically seized upon by the Tory gort and Union Jack Lynch to whip up a nauseating show of hypocrisy. With the hysteria induced there is great danger that the real issues will be obscured. The explosion has to be seen against the backwound of Derry. There the British army callously opened fire on u lurge crowd of peaceful civilians killing thirteen of them.

After the incidents both the British government and its army remain both unrepentant and self-righteous. Aldershot was an attack on a military forger, a specific one at that: the quarters of the officer corps of the Parachute regiment. After the attack, the IRA regretted the deaths of the civilians and is supposed to be the excuse.

A political analysis of the incident is therefore necessary: led to a tragic mistake. specialise. made it clear that it was a specific act of retaliation and mut a prelude to a mass bombing campaign. A technical errorthe bomb exploding at the wrong time- Every socialist and republican sincerely regrets the death of the five women cleanems. The concern and the "regret" of the British government stands in sharp contrast to its actual record. It is a government with centuries of blood on its hands not only in Irelund, but also in Cyprus, Aden, Africa and numerous parts of Asia. It has no regrets about its own post or about its present behaviour in the Six Counties. It has no concern for the social conditions under which the women cleaners huve to work or for the campaigns the women cleaners have waged throughout Britain to better their living conditions.

Their sympathy is simply cant, which the British ruling class has perfected to the level of a fine art and in which they

JAISOTIC

VOL. 1 NO. 2. PRICE 5p. Equally hypocrilical is the sympathy of Union Jack Lynch. For him it was simply un opportunity to harass republicans-a campaign on which he had embarked at the Fiuna Fail Ard Fheis before the Aldershot explosion. The Republican movement now stands at the crossroads. As the mass defense of the Nationalist communities it is the only force standing between them and military repression. Its future, the course it now takes und the future of the Irish Revolution are fundamentally linked, By its choice of target it shows clearly that it knows who the enemy of the Irish people is: not the British working class, not even the misguided and bigoted British soldiers, but the British ruling class and its officer caste. In the past, it has shown itself capable of makinga bulunce sheet of its military struggles. It can do so again. Go Forward!

THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL: A port of the Lige Communate, French Section of the / 1th International, contingent at a recent

EDITORIAL:

THE REVOLUTIONARY

MARXIST GROUP

There is an anecdote by the famous Russian writer Tolstoy which Lenin liked to recall.

We think that it may help our readers understand what all the "in-fighting" on the left is about. The story is as follows: There once was a man who sat on the footpath. At a distance passers-by saw him waving and gesticulating and naturally presumed that he was insane.

But when they came closer they saw that he was sharpening a knife. Now the moral of this story applies to the left.

When you ate at a distance you think that we have all gone mad; you are unable to see any sense in the faction fights and splits. But if you get closer you will realize that in fact we are sharpening a weapon, namely our understanding, Without this sharpening we can never grasp what the real needs and aspirations of the working class are, Well a lot of knife sharpening has gone on within the Young Socialists lately The ques bions under discussion were very important nes-the international and national questions and the problem of leadership. Two major factions, the Left opposition and the League for a Workers" Republic, took shape around these issues while a section of the organisation remained neutral.

INTERNATIONAL QUESTION

cally we in the lett opposition differed mthe LWR on our internationalism. Al mists we recognise that in the epoch of national imperialist aperession that it is sible for a revolutionary group to develther politically or organisationally in bola- Such development can only come throuch ational collabotation. As a first step in deection we advocated support for the orth International (the World Party for Socialist Revolution) In an attempt to block this internationalism the LWR condemned the F1 as "revisionits"" and called for cooperation with all those forces which remained true to the "spirit" of Trotskyium. It was intimated that these forces were compromised mainly by the socalled International Committee, a small sec tarian splinter group which split from the F.L.

and which in turn, has itself divided! The politics of this organization are particularly scandalous. Their refuel to solidarise with the Vietnamese, Cuban, or Algerian Revolutions tuns directly counter to their much vaunted internationalism. In Ireland for example, they refuse to support the national revolution and denounced the I.R.A. as middle class terrorists! They counterpose to the struggle of the IRA the struggle against the Tories. + in Britain!! On the other hand, not only does the F. 1.

support all colonial revolutions but actively participates in them, often with great losses.

Only recently, in Bolivia 40 members of the Revolutionary Workers Party (Bolivian seelion of the F. 1) were massacred in a rightwing coup. On the leish question they whole heartedly support the national revolution and have organised many demonstrations around the world in solidarity with the IRA.

For internationalists and revolutionaries the choice is an obvious one.

THE NATIONAL QUESTION

Again we disagreed with the LWR on the fundamental importance of the national struggle. The LWR aces the national question as a hindrance to pure class struggle, while we se it as port of the class strugale.

Because the national question was not solved, British imperialium hindered the economic development of Ireland, with the result that generations of Irish workers have been subjected to unemployment, emigration, and a eneral meagre existence. In tealty, the national struggle therefore is class struggle.

That is why Ireland's greatest Marxist, James Connelly, said: The Irish workine class alone remains as the incorruptible inheriter of the fight for freedom in Ireland", (Needless to say a publication of the International Committee has denounced Connolly as a "bourgeois nationalist" and a "Racist?)

From the LWR's incorrect attitude to the national question flows their childish approach trited frour demovs/ration in Paris in solidarity with the struggie be areland.

has. in it anyway). ment in the class struggle.

struggle. deciced to leave. Socialists. native but to opt out. them. one branch in the YS! will be the organ of the R.M.G.

to Republicanism, Instead of a serious analysis and fraternal dialogue they preter denounciations and came calling. la the long run the are the hest allies which the refermist leadershipot the Republicar Movement to do.

REVOLUTIONARY LEADERSHIP

One of the major stumbling blocks of all prevous revolutionary groups has been their failure to develop a scientific programme, By a programme we do not mean of course, a set of vague demands. We mean a serious analysis of the experience and history of labour and capital, the hasis of which certain demands which correspond to the overall need of the working class are put forward.

by Trotsky. The Leftopposition stress the need for working out such a programme as a guide to all our activity hut the LWR saw this as an excuse for "opting out of the class strugale" (not that they themselves are very involved In opposition to our view they brought forward the idea that the revolutionary programme exists objectively in the class struggle and can be articulated only through involve- Thus, they wished the Young Socialists to continue along the same old road which it had journeyed for the past three years without making a single contribution to the revolutionary struggle and which only succeeded in isolating us from that After more than nine months debate on all these issues the second annual conference took place. Going to the conference the Left opposition realised that while we were the Jargest single faction in the YS, a simple majority vote would solve nothing and though we intended to make one last stand, we had atready The continuation of the fac- International. tion fight which was being dranged down hy the LWR would serve only to wreck the Young Not wishing to have hand, act or part in doing such damage we had no Thus the three Dublin branches and the Belfast branch walked out taking the majority of the organisation with Later, the Limerick and Galway branches, which had remained neutral during the faction fight aiso disaffilinted, leaving only: Since then, the left opposition has decided to seek recognition as the official section of the F.L. in Ireland and has reorganised itself under the title Revolutionary Marxist Group. From now The Plough which was previously the journal of the Dublin area Young Socialist

SOLIDARITE AVES LIRAI

The Fourth International Many readers have asked us to explain what the Fourth International is. This we are happy The roots of the Fourth International go back to the latter half of the 1920's. The Russian Revolution was in the process of degeneration and two majot wings emerged within the Bolshevik Party. On the one hand there was a hureaucratic cast whose interests were represented by the Stalin faction and on the other the Revolutionary workers whose interests were represented by the Left Opposition lead This division was repeated throughout the whole international communist movement.

The Stalin faction wished to lurn the Com munist Third International into a dipiomatic pressure group which would serve as a buikwark against capitalist intervention in Soviet aftairs as against this the international Left Opposition wished the Third International to be a Revolutionary force in its own right because they saw the spread of socialist revolution to the advanced capitalist countries as the only real guarantee of soviet power.

It should be emphasized that this difference of opinion was not accidental. Bureaucracy thrives on backwardness. Ireland for example, which has a backward econory has a 30,000 strong civil service whose name is a byword for incompetence, jobbery and corruption.

Likewise, the backwardness of Russia was the mainstay of the Soviet bureaucracy and this bureaucracy feared that if the Revolution erupted in more advanced countries that the objective basis of its existence would he elminated thus its attempt to emasculate the The struggle between these two wings continued into the 30's. The stormy events of this decade proved the final testing grounds for the Revolutionary potential of both factions, The Stalinists embarked on a simultanenus policy of ciass collaboration and persecution of the Left Opposition. As a result the fascists marched to power almost unopposed, while in Russia the.

former leaders of the Revolution were systemaricallv execute. This signalised a complete schism with the Revolutionary tradition of Marxism and the International Left Opposition decided to make a clean break with the so-called communists of the Third International, Eventually, in 1938 after several years of preparation the Fourti Inrernational was launched,

CLEANSES

BLOODY SUNDAY-EMIDGUI THI

THE POLITICAL AFTERMATH

The Derry massacre and its aftermath has shown the impossibility of a military victory over the Catholic people in the immediate future. Already the wheels of compromise have been set in motion by the Tories. But before the various solutions being offered can be considered seriously, the historical and oconomic context in which they are being put forward must be examined.

ECONOMIC FACTORS

One of the major "advances" made in this phase of the liberation struggle is the recognition by nearly all politicians that the only real solution to the Irish question is national unity. A number of economic factors are behind this political change of mind.

Firstly, the backbone of Six Co, industry has been slowly disintegrating. Employment in the linen industry has fallen by 33% between 1950- 1970 and over the same period employment in shipbuilding dropped by 20%. Secondly industry has outstripped agriculture in the Free State as the dominant sector of the cconomy thus undermining the 1922 Treaty which was essentially a pact between British imperialism and large scale agricultural and commercial interests in Ireland. Accordingly it became necessary to work out a new telationship between the Free State and the UK, takine into consideration the interests of an industrial bourgeois which is heavily dependent on British capital. Thirdly.

the technological revolution, the decline of heavy industry and the momentum of the colonial revolution have combined to relegate Britain to the Status of a third rate power, In face of this, a tighter integration of the UK with the have becomo necessary if Britain is to remain a viable economic unit. The upshoot in the political arena of all these fication and reintegration of freland into the UK has become the order of the day. However, the real question is, whether or not, in the process of its death agony British imperialism is strong enough to bring about such a major change,

A UNITED IRELAND?

To unite Ireland the whole cconomic and social setup would have to be altered. In the Six Co's income per head is 30% higher than in the South, Unemployment benefits in the North are 20% higher than in the South, old age pensions are 30% higher, widows pensions tion is nearly 40% greater and educational expenditure in relation to population is 100% greater. Further, practically no Health Service exists in the South.

To coax the Protestant workers into such a state would clearly require a vast improvement in living standards in the so called Républic.

It is equally clear that improvement of this magnitude is impossible in a neo-colonial state.

MAIRIN KEEGAN

Our friend and comrade Mairin Keegan died in hospital on the 7th of Janaary this year, She collapsed prior to the funeral of our Ord. Peter Graham and never recopered When she died, the funerai she received was a firting tribute to her whole life's work. Her coffin wes draped in the Red Flag of the Fourth International, the Starry Plough and the tricolour and on each side it was escorted by a cortege comprised of members of the RMG pud Saor Fire A colour party dressed in burtie farigue led the wary and behind a lone piper followed playing a traditional irment. A volley of three shots rang out as the herse followed by kundreds ser out. But it wos left to the Free Stare to pay the last and best tribute 200 police surrounded Ord. Keegan's grave! They showed they feared her in death as in life. Below we reprodtice extracts from Raynor Lysaght's graveside oration.

Mairin's whoie life is the story of political development from the pure idealistic form of nationalism, uncontaminated (as far as

COMMUNITY GOVERNMENT

Thus the immediate aim of the Westminster, Stormont and Lenster House Tories, is not for a united Ireland but for a federal settle ment ie., Stormont and Lenster House would become Regional parlaments under the thumb of Westminster. But even here difficulties arise.

The Stormont Regime is completely out of churacter with the bourgeois democratic nature of Britain and the near bourgeois democritic nature of the Free State and before an integrated political unit could evolve the Stormont Regime would have to be completely overhauled. This, of course, is easier said than done. The Orange state was founded on an apartheid basis for political reasons (which needless to say possible) by material considerations, lo the position of a dedicated dialectical materialist.

She began and she always remained in the Gaclic League. Over many years though she became increasingly dissatisfied with the purely cultural and totally unpolitical outlook of this body in the 1950s. In 1962 however.

she went to London and it was here that she saw for herself consciously the need for political and socialist activity if even her limited cultural aims were to he achieved. But not only this, she became more aware of the value of the socialist aims in themselves. She began to examine the various leftwing movements of the time. She rejected in turn Clann na hEireanu and the Connolly Association. It was only when she was ahout to retire from the struggle that she discovered and joined the Irish Workers Group. And it was from then onwards that she began to read, to analyse and to broaden her understanding of the issues involved. She was not simply an armchair Marxist, she allied theory to action, In May 1968 in Paris she took part in the struggle of the workers und students which has opened the new era of working class revolution. And in were Inspired by the deep seated economic causes). For example, the minority Catholle population has always tended to grow much more rapidly than the Protestant Population.

There is nothing abnormal in the fact that today 5155 of all children in the Six Co's are Catholie, Yet, the Catholic population has remained at a fai-ly constant 343-35% of total population since the opening of Stormont, This population control could only be achieved through an application of selective economie pressures especially in the vital areas of employment and bousng, For this the ghetto pattern was essential and it is no accident that this pattern is maintained in the development schemes operating at the present moment.

To institutionalise democracy in the North under capitalism therefore, is no easy matter, for it would require the elimination of the 1969. back in Ireland, as a memher of tlie Dublin Citizens Committee and more importartly Sior Eire, she gave aid to the national revolution that has been developing in Northera Ireland, Unlike many both of the ultraleft and the "pure" Republican movement she did not distinguish between the socialistic struggles in Paris and the immediate nationalist struggles of the workers and the minority of the 6 counties. She saw that they were not just isolated developments; she saw that the different forms of each masked the reality of permanent revolution, She joied Saor Bire because as a group it recognised this reality.

dedication was ercognled by her comrades who swiftly elected ber to Saor Eire's central But she did not limit her understanding of permanent revolution to the purely national context. She saw that the only way to make Ireland socialist was in the struggle for the world wide classless, stateless society. To this end in the Tast year of her life she contacted Irish members of the Fourth International, and very notably the late comrade Peter Graham, and she participated with them in preparing an Irish Section of the Fourth Interational, Once again such was her ability in this task that on Comrade Graham's treacherous assassination by reactionary elements she was appointed as an official F. I, reprebasis on which the power of the Orange bourgeoisie rests. Naturally, this is unacceptable to the Orange bourgeoisie and while the British imperial bourgeoisie would willingly overrule them, they too must mose cautiously lest they créate a weariness which might prove to the advantage of revolutionary forces. The "community government" proposal is designed to meet this situation. While it does not attempt lo undermine the apartheid nature of the Six Co's it does muke some superficial "democratic" changes.

However, as the "community government" proposal does not go to the heart of the problem it is bound to fail in the long run and even in the short sun is unlikely to have much effect. Brendan Kelly sentative in Ireland, Her fatal illness prevented her from taking up this post however.

One more point should be made too: in just over 3 months the F.I, In Ireland has suffered two serious hlows. Two of its lending cadres have been eliminated. There ate some philis tines whio feel that such blows will prove mortal. These people sill be disappointed. Our losses grievous rbough they are, are limited compared to the losses thar have been sutfered by revolutionaries in the past. The slaughters of the Paris Commune, did not present the emergence of world wide scientific socialism. The Republican movement in Ireland war not destroyed because of the murders of 1916 or of 1922 The murder of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxentbure could not preveur the prowth of German Communam, snd the Trotskyist movement Di the word has survived nos only his death and that of his son Sedov but the murders of Trotskyists in and out of Russia.

Compared to these facts we have got off lightly and if our losses were twenty times as great we would still survive.

I might conclude by wishing a long life to the F. 1, but this would he contrary to that Ir wants world revolution and body's ains. the world includes Ireland as soon as possible.

So I prophesy a shott and successful life to the F.l., and Saor Eire. Let our enemies which ure those of the working class beware. We are only just beginning.

Robert Dorn analyses Roy Johnston's resignation In the spring of 1962, the Hamunersmith hranch of the Communist Party of Gt.

Britain published an edition of its magazine. Outlook. Among its reports of progressive jumbie sales and changes of venue.

for meetings, there was one articie that proviled a more serious political note.

Entitled "An End to the Troubies", it dealt briefly and perhaps as a result, somewhat sketchily with the current situation in Ireland. Its author was a comrade recently arrived from that country, a computer SCEEISE CanCO BIROS JOnnSOn.

ireland and the comintern In it's way the article represented a tilestone in the history of Stalinist policy towards Ireland. For the quarter century since the failure of the republican Congress in the mid 1930s the Irish policies of the official Communist Parties in the British Isles had been cautious and constitutional, Frank Ryan& Spanish venture had left socialist Republicanism isolated from any potential rank and file. His own entry to the Comintem was not lollowed by that of any of his supporters. The leadership of trish Republicanism drifted into the hands of a group essentially non-political in outlook, whose practical policies often appeared similar to fascism. This might nor have deterred the Communist Party Irom making ouvertures to it had not Hitler invaded The United Kinedom Rusia in July 1941. became an ally of the USSR overnight, Ac condingly, the C.P.I.'s policy of unti-imperllism-bowever formal-had to be changed.

Anti-imperialism in the sense of opposition to British imperialism had to be dropped and, to protect "socialism in one country" these had to he recogaised as the aims of the The CPE was parti- Comintern as a whole. tioned along the line of the border, Its branches in the Repubbe were liquidated into the Irish Labour Party.

In Northern Ireland the C.P.N.I. remained as a stalwart hacker of the allied war effort and opponent of Republicans. Even after the second world war when the now expelled liquidationists joined with the graduates of the University of the Curragh to revive the Party in the twenty-six counties, lrish Sta- Whille lt was aclinism semained partitioned.

tive in economic issues and in propagandising for the East European workers" states.

the Irish Workers' League tended to support the international and civil policy of Fianna Fail. No support was forthcoming for the bosder campaigns of 1956. Ireland Had nor joined N.A.T.O. when that body was formed, So, regardless of its rotten welfare service, Its disintegraling cconarny am indeed the ineffective nature of the Republic's neutrality it was held to be "the most progressive state in Western Europe*, To rock the boat was for the Stalinists anthinkable.

It must he remembered that during the ten yeurs that Roy Johnston was a member of TWL there has been found no apparent documentary evidence showing him to have been opposed to the Stalinite line. When he left Dublin for London in 1960 he scemed to have been moved less by political disagreement with his comrades than by a more traditional cause for emigration of Irish radicals: be had to cat. the doctor in exile Nonetheless, while he was in London, he presented his proposal for what amounted to a now (or. ratber a return to a previous) departure in republican and Stalinist thinking, How far the idea was his own is still uncertain. For many people the actual master-mind was one Claran Desmond Greaves, the C.P. G.B.'s "Trish expert" who combines considerable talents as an academic historian with the polities of a capable Stalinist hack. The difference muy be of some formal importance; if Greaves has been the guiding hand, Staliaite influence is still of more deciive strength in the Henehlen ovemes Gantinas-Pree

THE JUDGEMENT

OF DR JOHNSTON

But what was the content of the article that unticipaled the new course? In form it was a sober description of the situation in the Republie of Ireland, similar to ones written by experts on other countries for such journals, Ireland was still deciared to enjoy "the most progressive government in Wes tern Euroge" though this was qualified by the phrase "judged by the criterion of atritude towards imperialism". Party members were aguin urged to rend Jackson's "ireland Her Own", and, more oddly, Dorothy Macardle's Fianna Fail apologia, "The Irish Republic". However, what was different, was the article's new sense of opportunity the Stalinite comrades were urged to read in the conttext of a promising situation. And, specifically, the Republican Movement despite its current political defeat was mentioned as a component part of this. Young Republicans were mentioned as reuding "Che" Guevara, Clearly if was the duty of Stalimists to get in on the act. What Johaston (or Greaves?) was propusine was In fact, a retürn to the strategy of the early thirties. to the Repubtican Movement to put Fianna Fail into power. Subsequently, they had it tempted to une the struggle against the fasast Blueshirts as a lunching pad for a conti- Mental - style Populur Front against Fianna Fail itself. But they had only managed to split and weaken Republicaniom as a whole, and had left it to the "pure military strategists? Johnston prepared to avoid this isolation by the simple expedient of entering the Movement and manipulating it from inside, (Admittedly this task was casier than it had been in the 1930's. the Movement had deelined since then.) The policies to he carried out by such Popular Front would be the good old "Two (if not more) stuge strategy" of moving forward by infinitesimal reforms towards a one-nation socialist society. The main role of the Republican Morenient, at least as far as Greaves saw it, was lo win small farmers and shopkeepers to an alliance with the Conntonist Party (or, Jather Parties) which would represent the Proletariat. This alliance would be aimed at the wague, if beautiful ideal of "National Liberation" a sort of national capitalist society equal to that of Britain, after which the C.P. would lead the Irish to che promised lind. It was in persuance of this plan that Roy Johnston took the risk of ving up his English job and returning to Dublin in 1963. the new course How far did Johnston's influence extend in changing the nature of the Republican Mavement-1 And how far did he change the Movement in the direction he would want it to go?

In dealing with the first question it must he remarked, fustly, that his entry to the Republican Mosement was belped by the objective Especially among the Cueright insituation. ternees "Che" Guevara was being read indeed.

As a matter of fact Irish Trotskyisnt as it is Lo-day owes its beginnings to that period.

However, the Fourch International was, ar chis timie too weak and divided to be of any political influence or guidance to the leftward movina Republicans, Johaston; he alone had the knowledge to provide the education that Republicans reguired.

Up to a point. then, he played a necessary.

mie in educating the Republican Movement fer a more socially-conscions and political attitude.

Bur chis education was not carried out for the good of the movement itself but in the pursuit of a stratery of doubtful validity.

'Two Stage Theory". ment along Stalmote lines.

ance had two aspects. unitication. the EEC was the overall aim.

trayal of the revolution.

Then the Stalinists had aftied from the CPI, creasing rivals. tional Liberation". tions of autbority. Revolution. Thus the task devolved upan ner P'lace's move leltwards.

Johnston them he set up Muintir Wolfe Tone to educate the inteilectuals and would be intellectuals in The University Kepublican Clubs were established to educate the students to provide cadres to guide the mose- The policy that was put forward under this guid- On the ore mand there wus a retur to traditional political republican activism, though less in the industrial sphere (shop floor action was encouraged to be the prerogative of the C.P.J than in other less specifically working class issuies. The movement played a big role in bousing agitation, but otherwise, as was to be expected, the United Irishman emphasised esectially petty bourgeois isues in keeping with the pure "National Liberation Struggie". Publicity wis given to agitation on ground rents, land and river ownership at a time when the Irish strike rate was the highest in the world. Along with petty bourgeois social activism there was a certain decline in the military sphere. Again, such a decline was natural after the military defeat of the 1950's campaign. What is true is that "Two Stage Theory" encouraged it.

National reunification became a very minor part of the task of "National liberation" Indeed, propaganda was institusted against a possible "Federal Solution" to the Trish question which woukd involve national reunification under British Imperialism. While no doube this is what the economic situation and the British Imperialist interests alike dictate the actusl possibility of it and its possible results were never clearly analysed. In Northern Ireland itself, emphasis was placed upon the campaign for Civil Rights racher than for In the Republic, opposition to the doctor's dilemma For over four years (1963-1968) the Jolstonian policies lad little effect. More significantly when they did begin to work: when the ranks of Irish republicanism began to grow again as a part result of Johnston's work, so his strategy began to be superseded.

The fact is that Republicanism does represent a revolutionary tradition, bowever petty-hourgeois, whereas the Comintern represents a be- Republicans began to look with jaundiced eye upon the claimant to the leadership of the pest-liberation of proletariat revolution. They were not impressed and began to leel that if they could do the job they would not be helped by interference This bebief was encouraged by the facts of the class relationships in Ireland.

While Republican activism won many small farmets and fishermen, it repelled rather the urban petty bourgenisie: the small shopkeep- National Capitalists" to whom Johnston direcled his cunscious appeal Instead, the morement won the loyalty of many workers by its leadership in the bousing campaigns and by its militancy even for limited.

ends. So, far from heing harmonious allies in a National Liberation movement the Sinn Fein (Gardiner Place) and the CPf are becoming in- However, walu tne TorJOCt there are many conflicting tendencies wluch weakens it and is likely to continue doing su, On the national question itself the same is true. The NICRA mobilised the Catholics but could not fand would not try to) pro- Al the vide a basis for workine class unity.

same time, the stocks of arms for protection of Vationalist areas were allowed to decline.

Thus these areas were forced to welconte the British army in August 1969. Thus, on the one hand the old guard republicans in the Republican Movement were given the pretext for a split, depriving Johnston of useful aids for his limiting of the tasks of "Na- On the ather hand, the Norchern Command had to be given a greater independence of Gardiner Place if it was to temain with that wing. Et was an activity of that Northern Command that has caused Jolnston to resign from Sinn Fein.

whither the officials? In itself che resivnution mearsnothing. Jolnston was used as something of a scapegoat for at least a year previousiy. Moreover, his palicies will he continued by many still in posi- On the one hand, these will continue equally to run into opposition inherent in the situation itself. On the other hand, the said situation cannot by itself make the opposition victorious in time for the Trish Anne Harris (Hibernia, 21st January) wonders if Dr. Jolunston's resgnatien will stqp Gard:- It wout! The question is: can this move he hastened surliciently for Gardiner Place to overtake and guide the Irish situation into a successtul Revolution? Or as is more likely moting the balance of forces) will it have to be superseied by • Bolhevik Party with perspective to match?

The next few monthsare likely to be decisive.

With the coming 1 only to the northe What is the EEC? economy? In this which led to the f implications of Ir

EEC-N(

The era of cut-throat competition between individual capitalists, where the larger, the more technically advanced undersold and took over the smaller, the less efficient, has been passed. It resulted with victory of hig capital. New machinery was necessary to increase efficieney, became mere ex pensive, the inctories which house it had to be lange: although throuph mechanisation more was produced for every man employed, the larger scale of production meant the averagc unit employed more men. Thus the industrial sectors of the economy siw the development of the large concer which were usually joint-stock as the capital required was beyond that of individual ownerslup.

But once they got this far, when a few dominated the market, it was not in their interest to continue the economic war which pave birth to them. The market could supr port their profit margins su why continue cutting them? They had established enaug i control of the market to agree on a commor selling price at which those that survived could each make a satisfactory profit. This is monopoly capitalism and the development of the Common Market must be seen merely as a product of the laws of capital- Ist production, the laws which also indicate its final overthrow by socialism.

erendum on the Common Market, the EEC will be second struggle as a major political issue for the Irish working class.

What will be the effects on industry and on the national icle Paddy MacGregor explains the historical background lation of the EEC and examines some of the of the

SOLUTION FOR WORKERS

d's entry Two world wars saw the rise to international superiority of American capitalism. After the Second Warld War two economies, those of Germany and Japan lay devastated. The leading capitalist countries of Europe were all weak due to the exertions of war. In contrast, the American economy had emerged stronger than ever and indeed had generated a large surplus during the war. Superticially it appeared that nothing stood in the way of American capitalism to consolidate all aosolace sanenry overanocaet clar talist nations of the world. However. a number of factors made America reject hegemony and instead be instrumental in rebuilding of Western Europe.

birth of the eec The aftermath of the first world war nad witnessed the birth of the first socialist economy in the world and though the revolution was betrayed by a bureaucratic layer, the basis of growth had been assured. Thus.

by the end of the Second World Waramajor power, coonomically and militarily, rose to confront America: one she had no control over whatsoever, and never could have.

an Ere colonlas countries tbe strungle tor Sheration resulted in the possibility of suecessful revolution and in them breaking away from imperialist control. China clearly illuminated the writing on the wall. Faced with the Eastern European Bloc on the one side and the task of undermining the colonial revolution on the other, America was forced to strengthen the European and Japanese economies. But this move was also forced on America by the nature of her own economy. Thouth very advanced and strong, this merely emphasised the contradictions inherent in it, As was remarked before, the Second World War had resulted in a vast surplus being accumdated but it could not he in.

vested at home because to generate it full caployment had been necessary. A consequence of full employment had been a steep rise in wages and thus a fall in the rate of profit, The huge corporations of America were faced with the dilemma of having vast amounts of capital but no cutlets in which to invest it. The economies of Western Europe and Japan appeared as obvious channels. When these cconomies developed ander the imnets of merican investment they rapidly appreciated the steenyth of she Ain- Community. Staln. erican economy. Monopoly capital had progressed there until the huge home market had hecome controlled in most sectors by a few giant corporations. This resulted in a far greater scale of production than any one of the European nations the mselves cold maintain. The altemative to: becoming an American satellite was to combine the European markets and create one of sufficient size to overcome national linitations, This course was adonted by the formation of the European Economic The move acknowledged the qualitative change that had occurred over the previous two decades. Europe had become too small to support nation states pursuing vigorous independent policies. The conflict arising from then had suriousin weakened them and the spectre of socialist revolution had only bece kept at bay by the hutchery of The laws of capitalist deselopment which had originally dictated the ruthless competition between individual producers and then the imperialist policies of monopoly capital, led in turn to the competition between international capitalists. As before the consenuence was concentration thin time on an international scale the political expression of this has heen to increasingly limit the scope of individual governments.

The boat can be rocked only so far. as De Gaulle eventually found out.

With tree capital movement within the FEC the scale of production bas increased, with mergers between some companies and agreements between others. As the world capitalist countries move into recession the tendency for increased government co-operation in this field will become more pronounced. Aerospace and nuclear power have outstripped private ownership and interna- Lional government funding was required if Europe was to enter these fields. Britain's entry into the community will further extend the process which i already started.

agriculture and the eec Agriculture is not as developed in the BEC as in America which has witnessed the rise of the corporate company which controls production from planting to sales distribution. However, the same laws of development hold as Mansholt's steering of the Common Agricultural Policy illustrates. The Financial Times (6/12/71) says "In Mansholt's view the stage has been passed where farin incornes could be secured hy price increases alone; the whole structure of farming needs changing. Smail farmers who cannot operate efficiently must he persuaded to leave the land by financial incentives, the promise of retraining for industrial jobs and pensions for older farmers. The size of production units must be increased and surplus farm land could be turned into national parks and other areas designed as "recreational arecs".

The post war expansion of Europe was due principally to the new industrial revolution.

the vast increase in production of consumer durables because of war scarcity, the emergent arms industry and the rapid industrialisation of certain greas near the main producing centres. This expansion seems to be on the decline now with the main economies moving into recesion, A consequence of this will be increased rutionalisation in terms: of new production location, The recional disparities which already exist will be exapgerated as cconomic necessity overrules social needs. This has led in soone cases to disturbances which will undoubtedly continue if supranational institutions are developed further. Seen within the context of the laws of capitalist development which determined the creation of the EBC, Irish capitalism faces continued crisis, Agriculture, the mest im- 322,000 persons in the 26 counties in 1967 will continue along trends which exist today.

and will also accelerate them. The average unit must increase in size and capital investment, This is not new: it was happening before the great Famine, There is only one way in which the communities of the West of Ireland must survive socially and this is by the collectivization of agriculture, with the pooling of machinery, together with the development of industry to absorb the surplus labour. ireland and the eec Within ot without the EEC the regional problems of Ireland cannot be solved by capicalism, as the history of regional development not only in Ireland but also in Great Britain and Europe already proves, The West in Mansholt's plan must become a natural park, a recreational area. Maybe he will allow a few inbabitants to remain, so that tourists may point cameras at them and know what the indigenous Irish appear like. Such is capitalism's regard for human dignity.

The question of sovereignty within the framework of capiralisin is merely a confusion. Finance capital already stringently limits all non-proletarian forns of government and chat most certainly includes Fianna Fail. The Irish economy is in the grip of British and industrial capitaL. With che ending of the "Economic War" under De Valera and the introduction of free trade by Lemass, Irish manufactunog admitted its inability to sche Ireland's economic aroblems. The sovereignty of Ireland is merely a myth shrouding British Imperialism.

For Ireland ever to support her people and to advance them socially she must nationalise her industry and collectivise her agriculture, Econone development must be wrestled from international capitalism and must be centralised in a state planning authority. The state must acquire a monopoly of foreign trade so that the products of exchange benefit the working class and small farmer. To achieve this the working class must seize state power through revolution. The choice confrontine the Irish working class is not whether EEC or not hur wherhor canital sin er borislim dal

serenas, Datinish thistry could boisters James Larkin might not as well have existed. Today

WUI

VOTES FOR

EEC

"You're wasting your time friend this union died with Big Jim" this was the advice given an old shop steward to a Plough salesman outside the HQ of the Workers Union of Ireland.

A few days later the bitter tauth of those words was confirmedfor us when the WUl voted by a narrow 12 votes not to oppose entry into the EEC. Apart from the political betrayal involved the Railroading tactics of the union leadership was deplorable, Out of the seven information documents on the EEC supplied to the conference delegates, six were propaganda sheets from the Department of Foreign Affairs! The main argument put up by the general som) was that Irish industry could not survive outside the EEC, and many jobs would be lost.

This may be true, but prospects within the EEC would be even worse. The government itself expects the creation of no more than 50,000 jobs over the five years entry period.

This would not cover the present 80,000 unemployed not, to mention those who will be leaving school and the land over the same period. Moreover, when we consider that the Common Market is designed specially for giant monopoly companies we can see the effect it will try: already, Guiness which ry plant in Europe intends to ito make itself more effis that 55% of irish enndustry the irish Labour Force would be decimated and condemned to eternal wandering. Then the WUl would inleed die-even if little Denis wete still alive.

James Conway NO

TO SECOND WAGE

SETTLEMENT

The National Wage Agreement which came into operation in December of 1970 has achieved its main aims: 1) a virtual wage freeze; 2) a decrease in the number of strikes by over 50%; 3) a proof to the common market countries that Ireland is industrially viable, These were, of course, the aims that the Fianna Fail Government had in mind when they introduced the agreement between the employers and the Unions, So successful has the agreement been for the bosses that the Federated Union of Employers and the Central Bank have called for an extension of the present agreement for a period of six months, and for a start to further discussions on a second national wage agreement.

It is now up to the workers to oppose any further agreement or "wage freeze" as they can be best called. The experience of the past years has proved conclusively that these agreements operate only one way, in favour of the employers and the government. The stability which the agreement has brought over the past year bas resulted in (a) the unemployed figure reaching 80,000; (b) redundancies in industry increasing by a 120%.

and the cost of living rising by over 8.6% But worst of all, it has tied the hands of the workers against using their only form of protection, the strike weapon. It is therefore important that no further wage agreement be reached unless it is to the benefit of the workers-and what employer is willing to give that?

The profits of the top fifty companies for 1971 were £369 per employee, compare that to the meagre wage increases of the workers.

The National Wage Agreement has been a bitter experience for the workers and it is important that the Unions see the mistake and fight against the government attempts to reintroduce a further agreement. If the Unions fail to fight then the workers must fight by themselves, A further agreement would be an attack on the living standards of the workers.

A young man was recently found guilty in an English Court of assaulting three women.

The details of one of these assaults was particularly gruesome. He had punched a pregnant woman in the face and when she fell he had kicked her unconscious.

woman had pointed out to him that the person he had just assaulted was four months pregnant, she, too, was punched and kicked.

One would imagine that the man would have received a severe prison sentence, but, no, the Judge saw fit to impose only a small How could this be? When in Northern fine. Ireland, which comes under the same legal system, a person found with, for example, a republican newapaper in his possession gets 1 mandatory three months prison sentence.

The answer is simple, the Defendant was a Faced with growing unemployment and redundancies, and wage freezes under the guise of national wage agreements the Irish working class turn to their unions to defend their living standards., For many union leaders however the ideals of his own union favours joining the Common Market.

BRITISH JUSTICE

When a Northern Ireland he said.

Redundancies! tually. paratrooper who had served in Northern-Ireland and was due to go back two weeks later.

His Sergeant who appeared in Court had said what a good soldier he was and pointed out that he had made five arrests in Belfast.

They were anxious to have him back to The Judge, of course, realised that the para had displayed all the talents necessary for duty in Northern Ireland. He was, after all, only acting the way he was trained to. The fact that he used his skills against women in England and not avainst Irishwomen, was, of course, unfortunate, hence the small fine.

This man is now back in Northern Ireland, a proud member of the 3th Paratroop Regiment. "maintaining law and order"!

N. HilL

REDUNDANCIES

Wednesday the 19th of January was a bard day for Free State TD's. It was the day that their meagre X-mas holidays came to an end.

They had to face back to "work" after a mere six weeks holidays. Three hours after the House sat an astute deputy was clever enough to notice that the House was almost empty. The quorum bells were rung and our poor underpaid representatives vacated the Leinster House Bar, canteen and wherever else they may have been and took up their Once they were there, places on the benches. (in body if not in spirit the dehate was able to-continue. And what was the subiect on the dehate for which our good TD's could not even muster enough enthusiasm to listen?

Merely the fact that Irish Workers are being made redundant by the hundred each week and at a rapidly accelerating rate, to the point where the dole queues are rapidly growing to crisis proportions. Obviously our TD's and Ministers, the vast majority of whom are either business owners, professionals, or rancher farmers, are not concerned about the amount of human suffering caused to a worker when he is told by his boss that his labour is no longer required. What exactly is the redundancy situation like now? As even the most casual observer cun see, the postwar boom is now over and international capitalism is sinking into another of its inevitable recessions: So, as the big business men have their profits threatened they react by cutting back on the workers living standards. If this is not sufficient, they close down and consoli date the position in smaller and more secure ventures. Always among the first to suffer are the workers in the less developed countries like Ireland. Big business men ciose down their subsidiaries here and try to consolidate their position in parent industry in the home country, although in a period of recession even the big parent factories suffer even- The daily papers report new closures and "rationalisations" (a nice word for sacking part of a factory's workforce) almost everyday now. Since December 1970 redundancies have increased in number of jobless by 3000 to 13,000 in Dublin, by 1200 in Cork, bringing their total to 2868, Limerick has an increase of 473, Drogheda 200, Dundalk 300, etc.

The Industrial Development Authority admits the possibility of redundancies this year at the rate of 2% that in 1969, but if the present trend continues it will be much worse.

What answer did the government come up with after that great two-day Dail debate? Fianna Fail denied point blank that there was any redundancy problem. Although the Taoiseach consoled us by saying that be was not "complacent", Fianna Fail intend to recruit 3000 more men into the police and army, put approximately t23 m extra into the Public Copital Programme and bring forward some publie building projects. These miserable attempts will, of course, make no difference to the redundancy situation when intemarional capitalism is in recession, The Irish government speding 23,000,000 is like a drop in the ocean, It is significant that the 3000 jobs that they are providing will be used to further protect their profit aystem by force of arms. Fianna Fail will not provide one job for the unemployed by directing resources into necessary social production; this would upset their sacred protit system.

If the bosses do not think that their profits are high enough and want to rationalise or close down workers should not submit and be forced into the dole queue. They should take over the factory and run it for the benefit of the people and not for the profit of a parasitic boss. Ireland is capable of giving work to ten times its present work force. Why shoud bacon factories lay off men and shut down when tro thirds of the world's population die of malnutrition? Why should the building trade lay off men when tens of thousands of young married couples cannot get a house to live in?

Workers threatened with redundancy should demand that the Union fight to bave the factory kept in full production. If the employers refuse this demand they should be sent packing" without compensution and the factory run by the workers for the workers. Workers not immediately threatened should demand that their Union do all in their power to gain this right for the threatened workera. Only when production is run for use and not profit will redundancies be a thing of the past and only then will workers forget insecurity and be guaranteed the right to work and earn a living

MINERS

STRIKE

The recent miners strike in Britain represents a serious setback for the Tory Government. The miners by their militancy and by their ability to win support and solidarity from other sections of the British working class were able to win pay increases of 20% average. Not only did this represent in the short terin a defeat of the Tory goverment's strategy on the wages front but it also has thrown into crisis Heath's long term strategy for British capitalism.

Since the Second World War British capital: ism has been faring badly with respect to its international rivals USA, Germany, France and Japan. Internally, it was faced with a continuous low level of economic growth.

The Labour Government of 1964-1970 tried to solve these problems for the British Capitalist Class. It began an attack on the living standards of the working class by attempting to freeze wages, encourage Productivity deal on the shop floor and begin to cut the wel fare state expenditure. It sought also to weaken the bargaining power of the Trade Union movement, by attempting to pass anti-union law "In Place of Strife". Its failure to do this, its failure to negotiate Britain's entry into the Common Market or to dampen the industrial militancy of the working class led to its defeat in 1970.

The defeat was a sesult of the political de moralisations of sections of the working class with "their" party on the one hand, and a realisation, on the other, by sections of the ruling class that the Labour Party was an ineffective instrument for taming the working class.

The new Tory government adopted a more ruthless policy. It intensified its attacks on the welfare state going so far as to cut off bee milk to ache similar poucy with regard to weak industries and businesses. These "lame ducks" were

RHODESIA

The recent heightening of African revolt in Rhodesia serves only to further pinpoint the inevitability of downfall of the white racist superstructure in that country. The basis of this downfall can be seen clearly in the history of this state from the time that the 'Pioneer Column" of the British South African ceremonially hoisted the British flag over the new settlement of Fort Salisbury in 1890, Behind the dreams of these white settlers lay the interest of British imperialism during the scramble for Africa in the last guerter of the 19th century. What was at interest was the defense of British Worldwide freedom to trade wherever there was profit to be made, As Lenin pointed out: imperialism involved a strugfle for territorial "spheres of interest to exclude or anticipate rivals. The native Afri cans were crushed following several ears of bloody warfare. Eventually, they were virtually enslaved on the land with less socurity.

in exchange for their labour services, than Following the first world war British Imper- Talism was left in a very weak position. Consequently it was forced to rely more on the white regimes in South Africa and Rhodesia It was in this contextthat these regimes gained more or less complete autonomy and as a tesult Rhodesian settlers gained the unique position of a self-governing colony within the empire. In many respects the structure of Rhodesian society was strikingly differ.

ent from the other African colosial conntries, The basis of this colonis! structure was the first and foremost the white moral bond

INTERNATIONAL NEWS

allowed to go to the walls throwing many thousands more on the dole queues. It was in the trade union field that the most drastic action was taken. As well as railroading new anti union legisiation (Industrial Relations Bill) through parliament they also began to have a showdown with the workers in the nationalised industries. In winter 1970 the Power Workers were the subject of a hysterical çampagn in the mass media and as a result intimidated into returning to work.

In Spring 1971 the Post Office Workers were grounded into the dust by the use of all government resources. With these significant victories the Tory Government was able to keep many wage agreements within the limit of 7%. Its last big obstacle was the miners.

The situation existing in the coalfields on the eve of thestrike, was the most militant in decades. There were many reasons for this. The miners had sutfered a cut in real wages such that they had sunk to a position from being the top wage carners in the Fifties to a position before the strike where they were about 13th in the Table. The same period had seen massive redundancies and pit closures with manpowe: being cut by half in that period. Also a docile trade union leadership, (NUM) had passively witnessed this worsening situation. Added to these was the general unrest in the British Laboar Movement over the rising unemployment and the growing hostility towards the Tory Government. The miners started off in an unfavourable position. It had been a mild winter, Demand for coal was low and stocks in the power stations were high. The Heath government adopted its predictable "not an inch" fict a decisive defeat on the miners and force them back to work on the government's terms.

The militancy and tactics of the miners were decisive. of picketing: power stations, ports, and even ships were picketed by miners from speed boats. Allo declave was the support they received from other sections of the community: other Trade Unions soon instructed their geoisie of small and medium mine owners and farmers. The white working class did not proceed idustrial development but was a consequence of it and therefore lived in a high wage economy. By the end of the thicties, they the small manufacturing petty-bourgeoisie constituted the bulk of Rhodesian whites.

Sem, however, for the white rural bourgeoisie was to expand the internal market for their produce while harmonising the interests of the other white classes and international capital. Industrialisation, while the answer to the probiem and approved by international capitalism, could only be achieved by the proletarianisation of the Africans. This could not be accepted as it would firstly be a threat to the rural hourgeoisie in the form of a class of African capitalist farmers and a threat to the white workers in the form of a black proletsriat. The solution was found in a series of major racist acts to reduce the threat of African competition in every area. White power was therefore consolidated in this period by pushing the Africans into a state of semi-destruc- After the second world war, however, industrialisation grew and with it a black proletariat slowly severed from the relative security of the land, more class conscious and with strong social and political roots in the peasantry because of their common exploitation.

For this new industrial sector new outlets were needed and it came to depend more upor the growth of purchasing power of the African workers who were. in fact, a significant part of the black population, numbering in F968 170,000 ou of 4,600,000 Immort subatitution and European migratior provided the initial growth of the manufac turing sector, but the question of the African market could not be put off while even the demand for labor in all sectors of industry was by no means satistied by Euro- Thus, we have the interest of international capital, which had gained a hold in every industrial sector, now no longer coinciding with that of the white rural hourgeoisie. The Rhodesian gavernment seeing this contradic fion in the forties and fifties tried to create an Atrican proletarial but. due to militant white reaction all such ventures ended in stations's gries. pose hoping to inin their own righti. They began an imaginative campaign began to spread. Africans. sino 1962. The probstability inevitable about its fatality.

THE

darity with Fourth International about the R.M.G.

NAME

ADDRESS

OCCUPATION...

Great Charles Strnet Dublin.

memhers to cooperate with the miners pickets.

Many students from universities and polytechnics joined in the struggles. In some areas students put their universities at the disposal of the ilying-pickets. To many miners this was significant it contrasted sharply with the last national coal strike in 1926 when the students had played a decisive tole as strike breakets (from a political point of view it is instructive to note the role the students had played in the strike many political groups regard THE SALTLEY PICKET: A fuming point in the uners streke. Here the combined action of the miners and Birmingham's workers striking in solidarty forced the Police to close the power the student population as no more than an area of recruitment to the revolutionacy movement failing to realise as che strike in Britain clearly showed, that as a distinct social layer studzuts are capable of taking political initiatives long term strategy that the impact of the As the strike proceeded the puketing began to bite. The coal supplies were suddenly found to be running out. Support for the miners continued to grow. One day sympathy strikes he govetamen was forced to bring in power cuts. Factones were forced to close, The employment figures shot up and agrarian capitalism at the expense of the After militant response to this from the Africans the national capitalist.

the petty bourgeoisie and the white working class polarised arounil the Rbodesian Front Party that has controlled Rhodesia UDi, having been declared in 1964, only resulted in a small decrease in the fortunes of the African population.

Had UDI not been declared the situation of the black masses could only have continued to deteriorate, as it had done since the beginning of Imperial exploitation of Rhode- Furope. sia, The present situation in Rhodesia exic.

ted in South Africa ten years or so ago and as in S. A. for international and aational capital in Rhodesia, apartheid has become the only way of even temporarily maintaining This way limited expansion and an offsetting of a growth of an African proletariat can be achieved at the expense of the African rural masses, but here the formula for longterm economic stagnation is being applied.

Thus, the white racist regime and its imperialist backers are heading along a road of deadly contradiction. But there is nothing The strugele to decapitate it has to be well prepared.

Patrick Fennelly British Embessy.

REVOLUTIONARY

Novack

MARXIST GROUP

Mandel Revolutionary socialist organisation in soli- I am interested in getting more information and History. Send to: The Secretary: RMG; 58, North drastically. Heath, having completely underestimated the miners capacity to struggle, realized that he had a major defeat on his hands.

Giver the agration in Britain abour the roie of troops in ireland, using them agornst their "own people" would luve been highly dangerour. He had to retreat. A Court of Enquiry the Wilberforce enquiry, was set up.

With the award of a 20% rise to the miners.

Heath's government is in crisis. Many other sections of the British working class, having learned the power of militant action and solidarity, will themselves be encouraged to take un their bosses and rulers. But it is on the miners strike is so important, Many leading ruling class papers in Britain are now critically questioning the wisdom of the Heath style of government. They feel that the ruthiess confrontationist style of government has not paid The crisis of British capitalise and of the British ruing class deepens.

F.I. DEMONSTRATES

SOLIDARITY

All over the world the Fourth Internationai has been organising solidarity with the national liberation struggle in Ireland. In particular they have attempted to mobilise support for the campaigns being waged by the IRA. Below we give three brief reports carried out by our comtades in Paris. Members of the Ligue Communiste oc cupied the offices of British Railways. Hundreds of Parisians warched on as the Red Flag of the Fourth International was hoisted and large Red Banners were flown from the windows with slogans such as "Solidarity with the IRA" and "Victory to the trish Revolution" inscribed West Berlin. A demonstration of over 1.500 people was organised by our German comrades of the GEM to the British Consulate General. Stogans of solidarity with the IRA and for the withdrawal of British Troops were again raised.

Stockholm. Sixty militants of the RMF (Swedish sympathisine section of the Floccupied the BEA Difices and mounted a continuous picket on the

PLOUGH BOOK SERVICE

Books Include: Introduction to Logic of Marxism: George Price E0.624 Introduction to Marxist Economics: Ernest Price €0.37% What is Trotskyism?: Ernest Mandel Price E0.10 58, North Great Charles Street, Dublin.

MARXIST DISCUSSION GROUP

Lectures and discussions on topics of general Marxist theory, Irish Politics Sundays: 6,30-9.30 p.m. 58. North Great Charles Street.

the employers and the government is a myth and argues that workers Inflation once an coonomic jargon term, has now become a household word. And little wonder! Last year prices increased on over 700 different products. The more alarming increases were on: general groceries, up 17%, meat, up 11%; bus fares, up 38%, gas, up 16%, electricity.

up 9%; fuel oil, up 20%%; newspapers up 34%; postage, up 49%. On average prices were infated by 8.5%. But as the above figures show, this average conceals a substantial rise in the lel rise in the cost of living for the ordinary worker.

DEMAND THEORY

The usual explanation offered for inflation, by the government and professional cconomists is that increased wages add to production costs, and that these production costs have to be recovered by increasing prices, Profoundity is bestowed upon this explanation by entitling it the Demand Theory, However, this "theory" in like the old riddle about the hen and the egg.

The question is which comes first: the rise in rices up, or the rise in wages, which then push prices which through increasing the, cost of livioned by your Isay that it bes with It is clear that this theory is not in fact a theory, as it explains sothing. Un the contrary, 11 1s a simple device, whereby the employers who conrod the propaganda media, can justify their attempts to hold down wages. And this is exactly the use the Federated Union of Employers makes of it, Recently, Mr. Paudge Brennan, Minister of Labour, put their argument in a nutwhell when he said: "If wages rise the price of our exports will also rise and make them less competitive. This will make Ireland less attractive to investors, and industry and employmen: fall to expand," The natural conclusion is that workers, in their own interests, should stop demanding more pay -a very gratifying conclusion as far as any employer is concerned! the

PLOUGH

Published by the Revolutionary Marxist Group, Irish supportars of the Fourth International.

Newi, discussion and analysis of the current situation in Ireland with historical articles on the Irish working class and national liberation movement. Also includes features and reports on the international struggle against capitalism.

For a subscription to THE PLOUGH fill in the form below. Please send me THE PLOUGH for the next 3/6/12 months, 1 enclose- Ichoque/P.O.l Name. Lantee THE PLOUGH, 58 North Great Charles Street, Dublin, Ireland.

SUBS:

3 months 6 months 1. MaST Asia/Africa/Australia/N. & 5. America €2.50 Iper year) Ordinary: £1.50 Iper year) Western Europe: E1.00 (per year!

WAGES AND PRICES

"Excessive wage increases are wrecking the economy' In this article N. Markin shows that this claim by have no interest in accepting 'wage agreements" Of course workers may be flattered to learn that they have such control and influence over the economy. Indeed, they might even begin to ask if Fianna Fail and the F.U.E, are really needed at all! However, the matter needs to he considered Further.

PECULIAR CONDITIONS OF IRELAND

Inflation in Ireland last year rose almost 9%.

In Britain it rose by 12%; the United States cost of essential and every day items and a paral- by 11.5%, and in Europe as a whole, 11.9%.

As most Irish exports go to these three areas it can be said that not alone did Irish products not become less competitive, but in fact became.

more competitive. These figures show that foreign goods became about 3% dearer than home produced goods. So in this event, even if we accept the "Demand Theory" it does not, in the case of Ireland, justify any call for wage res-

TESTSI

But apart from this the nature of the Irish economy should be examined. For instance, while in countries like France imports account for only 14% of the Gross National Product, in Ireland imports comprise more than 40% of ng. drive wages up. Obviously, your answer wil the GNP. This means that the government has no effective way of controll of the products which ap and can't really do any tion. As an example: inflation in Britain rose by 12% last year. As 53% of our imports come from Britain, hasakes Uttle dilference whether or not there is a National Wage Agreement in exitence, since these imported goods are inflated already and prices will rise accordinply: Again, even if we accept the "Demand Theory".

in Ireland it proves more than useless.

DEMAND THEORY REFUTED

But even a cursory glance at statistics supplied by the government is enough to refute the Demand Theory" as such. If we calculate the rise in wages over a period we will see that this rise has been paralleled by an increase in output, and cannot therefore be considered as a contributing factor to inflation, from the point of view of "Demand Theory" or any other theory.

OUR

REVOLUTIONARY

HERITAGE

(Below we reprint a section of Connolly's Pamphlet Socialism Made Easy. The pamphlet is published by us in Plough Book Service and has a valuable introduction by Ode D.R. I.ysaghs, Price 15 p).

But is it their property, Why should Socialists confiscate it? Their property, eh? Let us see: Here is a cutting from the New York World giving a synopsis of the Annual Report of the Coats Thread Company of Pawtucket, Rhode Island, for 1907. Now let us exantine it, and bear in mind that this company is the basis of the Thread Trust, with branchea in Paisley (Scotland) and on the continent of Europe.

Also bear in mind that it is not a "borrible example" but simply a normaltype of a normally conducted industry, and therefore what applies to it will apply in greater or less degree to all others. This report gives the dividend for the year at 20 per cent. per annum. Twenty per cent.

divident means four shillings in the pound 21p. profit. Now, what is a profit?

42p. According to Socialists, profit only exists 84p. when all other items of production are paid for. The workers by their labour must create enough wealth to pay for certain items before profit appears. They must pay for the cost of raw monterial, the wear and tear of machinery, buildings, etc. (the depreciation of capitall, the wages of superintendance, their own £9.78 to E24.88 Le., by 1545.

1960-1970. 1. Gross earings 2 Social insurance 3. Income tax (PAYE) Net camings (1-2-3) 5. Children's allowances 6. Gross money incorne (1 + 5) 7. Net money income (6-2-3) R. Real gross income (at 1960 prices) 9. Real net income (at 1960 prices) Percentage increase in 10. Consumer price index 11. Gross earnings (1) (6) 13. Net maney income 14. Real gross incomo (H) 15. Reai met income (9) Notes. portable goods mustnes. children. ing a huge portion near on the market e to combat infla mentioned above that Between October 60 and December 70 the average earnings, for a male aduit employed in the transportable goods industries, rose from However this figure is more than slightly exaggerated and cannot be taken at its tace value.

TABLE 1. Weekly Money Income and Real Income of Adult Male Industrial Workers Ocr.60 Oct.65 Oct.70 9.78 13.82 24,88 0.14 0.37 0.78 9.04 22.37 0.18 0.29 0.46 25.34 9.96 13,74 9.82 22.83 9.96 11.51 15.54 14,00 9.82 11.21 1960-65 65-70: 1960-70 63.1 41.3 154.4 41.3 154.4 39.9 66.2 132.5 15.6 35.0 56.0 42.6 14.2 24.9 1. Average weekly carings of men 18 years and over in October 1960 and 1965 and male werkers on adult rates in December 1970 engaged in trans 2. Ordinary rate payable by male craployees.

3. Amount payable by married man with (wo 5. Amount payable in respect of two children.

From Trade Union Informarion Bullerin.

A number of deductions are necessary. Over this decade Social Insurance contributions, increased from 14 p to 78 pie.,600% (Although children's allowances increased from 18 p to 48p).

Moreover in 1960 the ordinary worker did not pay income tax, now he is liable to E1.73 a week under PAYE. All told today E47 million of the 167 million collected in income tax comes from the workers pocket, leaving him one of the most heavily taxed workers in Europe. Finally we must remember, that in the period between Oct.

60 and Dec. 68 prices rose by 63%. All in all, when these deductions are made we find that the real increase in wages has been only 43%.

On the other hand, accompanying this increase in wages has been the relative growth in industry.

During the 60's expansion was sustained at an average rate of 6%h each year which adds up to an overall growth of approximately 60%.

living! This means that the rise in real wages (4396) was well below the rise in productivity (60%) left is profit. fraud." consequently it is impossible to uphold the claim that wages push up proces as the rise in wages didn't even cover the expansion of output (see Table 1).

SIX COUNTIES

The same is true of the Six Co's. Thus, the "Northern Ireland Economic Report on 1970" sbows that while wages rose by 15% in the previous year, productivity increased by 7% (indeed in the big important textile industry.

it increased by 1496). However, the remaining 8% was not clear "profit" for the worker since in the same period prices rose by 7.5%.

This showa that the increase in income in workers above and beyond productivity occurs only to meet the rising cost of living.

In view of the above figures the Unionists claim that the workers are robbing the country is ridicuious.

HOW TO FIGHT INFLATION

Inflation results not, from wage demands but because of an inherent contradiction in the present system of production, Due to the competitive nature of capitalism cach employer is forced to expand and intensify his use of machinery if he is to survive.

Therefore the amount of capital invested in machinery and plant increases relatively to capi- But as the Labour tal investad in labour. Theory of Value (which was originated not by the Socialists but by the employers themselves) explains, profit occurs only on the capital invested in labour. Consequencly, the contradiction arises, that the more developed the capitalist system becomes, the less profit But of course, the emthe employers make. ployers are not satisfied with this and at every turn attempt to force up prices in order to compensate for declining profits, This is the only weapons the workers have at their disposal in the fight against inflation ate wages demands. When prices rise the only way of correcting the resulting imbal ance is through demanding more pay. In the light of this the blindness and treachery of the trade union leaders in signing the National Wage Agreement can be seen, Inflation cannot be fought by holding down wage increases to a maximum of £2 (with only 85% of this for women workerst, All that this will do is fatten the employers purses and empoverish the workers even further, It & not surprising that the trade union leaders didn't dare put these proposals before the rank and file of the unions. Trade unionists must begin to fight back now.

Having regard to the real nature of inflation they should demand an agreement which allows for an automatic increase in wages linked to the rise of prices.

FIGHT INFLATION

For a Wage Agreement linked to the cost of N. Markin wages, and a certain amount to be left aside as a reserve fund to meet all possible contingencies. After, and only after, all these items have been paid for by their labour, all that is With this company the profit amounted to four shillings on every pound invested.

What does this mean? It means that in the course of five years-five times four shillings.

equals one pound-the workers in the industry had created enough profit to buy the whole industry from its present owners. It means that after puying all the expenses of the factory, including their own wages, they created enough profit to buy the whole building.

from the roof to the basement, all the offices and agencies, and everything in the shape of capital. All this in five yeurs.

And after they had so bought it from the capitalists it still belonged to the capitalists, It means that if a capitalist had invested E1000 in that industry, in the course of five years he would draw out a thousand pounds, and still have a thousand pounds lying there untouched; in the courso of ten years he would draw two thousand pounds, in fifteen years he would draw three thousand pounds. And still his first thousand pounds would be as virgin as ever. You understand that this has been going on ever since the capitalist system came into being; all the capital in the world has been maid for by the working class over and over again, and we are still creating it, and recreating it. And the oftener we buy it the less it belones to us. The capital of the master class is not their property; it is the unpaid labour of the working class-"the hire of the labourer kept back by