Socialist Republic: Vol. 4 no. 3, 1981

POBLACHT SHOISIALACH

12p 15p OUTSIDE IRELAND zi SOCIALIST REPUBLIC VOL.4 No. Paper of PEOPLES’ DEMOCRACY Lesson of Fermanagh F: South Tyrone: Forward to New WiGLOries! bi The H Block/Armagh Campaign has wonamassive victory. Atkins, Thatcher, Hume andHaughey are ‘reeling. The 'criminalization!

policy istotally discredited and rendered politically worthless.

The SDLP are trying to scrape their way back tocredibility. They, along with Haughey andFianna Fall must be put on constant and unceasing pressure to defend Bobby Sands! seat. The attempts by Britain and her Loyalist cronies to take away the seat must be exposed anda massive defence mounted. The hypocrisy of the British cannot be shown in any more graphic way then that they would consider stealing the seat of Ireland's most popular M.P.. For the first time in thisphase of the struggle, anti-imperialists have out-manoeuvred the bourgeoisnationalists through the candidature of Bobby Sands in the by-election. The SOLP have been pippedat the post.

John Hume!s assertion that the SDLP is'!reservingits forces for the local election In May!

can be dismissedasafacesaving exercise andalossof nerve. The SDLP, obviously hedging their bets on Noel ‘accommodation to the imperial— Age 27 The marginalisation of bourgeois nationalistson this occasion marks abig plus for the campaign, It isa development the effects of which may be felt long after the electionisover, Individuals within the ranks of Fianna Fail and the SDLP may be won to the campaign, but itis the antiimperialist movement who must = lead andcontrol them, —— These parties will not only offer ists on the prison struggle but also on the overall interests of the northern minority and of the wnolelrisn working class. The anti-imperialist movement must answer the question: are we prepared toallowthem todo so?

Electionsare the only arena allowed by the beorgeol sie in which the masses can make pol— itical decisions, revolutionaries and anti-imperialists shouldbe there to challenge their betrayers It is because of this fundamental necessity that Peoples Democ~ racy intends to stand candidates in the May Local Government elections and offer that challenge.

Peoples! Democracy declares its intention of contesting the forthcoming local government electionsinthe 6 counties. We believe that aboycott isnot an effective tactic and that inthe elections we can organise against political and ecogomic exploitationof the Irishpeople. Thisis especiallyurgentata time when we want to see the broadest possible mobilisation around the hunger strike and political status.

The May Local Government Elect-— ions are the next big focus for the campaign. Bernadette McAliskey, BWUnion: National Union of Vehicle Builders and ATGWU @ ‘On the blanket’ since 1977 @ Began hunger strike on Ist March _ ee

LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS

PEOPLES DEMOCRACY STAND

AGAINST FITT AND DEVLIN

testedelectionsinthe North, At that time, standingona Civil Rightsplatform, the electoral intervention helped to mobilise and strengthen the campaign against the Stormont regime and was a tactical success. It has become clear that to make a principle of boycotting elections was a mistake and we hope that our jn— tervention in the coming struggle will likewise heip to further the Political Status struggle.

PD candidates will standon our

| HUNGER STRIKER |

BOBBY?

- MEF,

FERGUS O'HARE

whose tireless work did so much Maguire, were quite simply unwilling totest their strength against the swell of sympathy for the HBlock/Armagh prisonersamong thé anti-unionist population. John Hume, SeamusMallon, Ivan Cooper, Austin Currieall had their call stogive the seat to Harry Westignored, They are nowinsul ting the people who elected Bobby Sandsby calling them '!peculiar! and "exceptional !.

They must be forced to withdraw this and to support the demands of the prisoners. For some yearsnow, the antiimpertalist movement as a whole has failed tounder stand the political obstaclesit faces.

Peoples Democracy has |ong since argued that reliance on or Ignoring the bourgeois nation—alistspresents the gravest dangers for the movement.

Theirsis the path of accommo= dation withimperialism, Itis not they who have led the fight for the prisoner's, but the antiimperialist movement, to bring about the by-election result, has endorseda cal) for We believe that those parties which have refused to support the the prisoners and have even att— own platform but we believe that there should be maximum unity of acked them have gone unchall engedfar toolong. Theelections offer an opportunity for a genuine anti-unionist voice to be heard and the election of an anti-imper— ialist candidates will! be an effec-— ive rebuff to both the British and to those who have claimed torepresent Us. making the prisoners Issue central to the elections and for the anti-Imperialist movement to put forward candidates, Other leading militants in the campaignhave al so made the call whichPD initiated, SinnFein's public statements on the possibility of fielding prisoners are tobe welcomed and encouraged.

anti=imperialistsin the election.

Thus, weare willing to co-operate with any candidate on the basis of support for the 5demands, active involvement in the campaign and abstention from councils until resolution of the political status struggle. PD wil! stand on the following A forthcoming open conference on the elections will hammer out the strategy weneed. WeinPD who have pressed for participation in the electionsintend to fully participate in this conference and will back proposals to challenge the SDLP, Fitt, Paddy Devlin andall! the other misleaders of the Irish people, The turn of the HBlock/Armagh Campaign towards the mass of the Irish people |sbegining tocreate the pre-conditions for victory.

The Fermanagh/ South Tyrone election shows the way. Our enemies are reeling: the Irish people can walk all over themif we lead the way. The struggie against Britishrule must Use every effective tactic of which the method of contesting electionsisonly one. Each of the facets of Britishrule must be challenged and fightbacks organised against their criminalisation policy, their repressive laws, their attacks on the living standards of the workingclass, their partition of [reland and maintenance of sectarianism. Wedonot believe that the election of councillorsinitself will solve these problems butit will providea platform anda means of organising for anti-imperialist worker's.

Itisover 10 years since PD conplatform: 1. Defence of the political prisoners and political status.

2. Against partition. Immediate British withdrawal and disbandment of the RUC and UDR, 3. Support for all democratic rights. Defence of ther! ghts of anti-imperialists, trade unianists andwomen. For affirmative action in employment for antiunionist workers. 4. Fora fight against austerity measures and cutbacks, and the building of afightback ijn the unions, among the unemployed andin the communities.

IRELAND AND NATO

UDA TERROR

MULTINATIONALS

WOMEN AND ELECTION

LOCAL ELECTIONS

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 2

UWC RE-MOBILISES

No response from ICTU The Ulster Workers! Council, the organising force behind the 1974 loyalist stoppage which brought down the Sunningdale power-sharing Executive was reformedatameeting inBelfast onFebruary 25th. The 32 shop stewards who attended the meet— ing represented tanker drivers, power and shipyard workers.

They appointeda"'21 man" committee with ex-peace person, Harry Murray inthe chair.

One of thenewUWC'sfirst actions, was toissuea challenge to the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, the organisation to which the vast majority of trade unionistsinlrelandareaffiliated. The UWC areraising the oldcall for the "Ulster TUC" directly linked to the British Trade Union Congress. Ironically, the 1CTU through its autonomous Northern Ireland Committee, has paved the way for the resurgence of the UWC through its total refusal to mobilise Northern trade unionists against the vicious anti-working class policiesof the British Tory Government. Instead of organis— ing industrial action against the mass unemployment and the public service cuts, the |CTUhas sought an alliance with the bosses‘ union, the Conteaeration of British Industry, and those same Unionist MP's who faithfully support the Tories at Westminster in an attempt to ''moderate the eff— ect of Government policies on Northern Ireland!!. Thus, the UWC have been able to attack the ICTU for "not doing enough to safeguard jobs in Northern Irefand!'.

ORGANI SING SHIPYARDS

Although it has not been courting publicity since the initial meeting the UWCis busy organisingin the shipyards andfactories. Ostensibly concentrating on 'breadand butter!issues, the UWC!Saimis clear: withProtestant Workers facing massunemployment for the first time since the 1930's, the UWC hopes to turn their anger and despair into sectarian attackson the North!s Catholics.

Both the 1974 and the unsuccess-— ful 1977 loyalist stoppages were accompanied by widespread intimidation which the so-called 'security forces! did little tohalt.

Atkins persistent refusal to ban the UDA whose members have beenresponsible for alongiist of terrorist attacks on repub— licansindicates that the UWC will again have a free path tointimidate. Despite Paistey's 'Carson trail!

rallies, it will not be easy for the UWC torepeat anything on the scale of the previous stoppages.

The loyalist camp ispretty badly divided and with sectarian lines in employment having been hardened and over the past decade, new sectarian solutions to what is practically the collapse of the Northern economy are hard to find. Evenmoreimportant, the mass response to the hunger strikes and the fact that for the first time during the present struggle areal national move— ment has been forged among Irish workers, actsasa major restraint onloyalism. Indeed, as sooftenin the past, the pressing danger to the Irish trade union movement is posed by our existingleaders. The silence of Ruaidhri Roberts, the inaction of Mullen and Merrigan and the attacks on the H-Block campaign by Paddy Devlin and Terry Carlin are great encouragement for Paisley, the UDA andtheUWC. Itisby removing these misleaders and building an alternative leader ship committed to Using industrial action both to beat unemployment and halt the repression that we wil! defeat these enemies of the working class!

JOHN MAGEE

DA Assassins The mask slips The most common argument used against the withdrawal of the British fromIrelandis that if such was to occur then a '!bloodbath! wouldensue, TheBritish are there to 'keep the peace!, to separate the 'tribal factions!

This argument is developed fur-— ther. Itis claimed that direct intervention by the British gov— ernment in Northern Irelandhas removed the sectarian wrappings of the state and they act impa7— tially against all who break the ~ law because their aimis merely to secure justice for all.

BLOODY CAMPAIGN

Such argumentsring very hollow indeed in the face of the continued legal and open exi stence of the UDA. This organisationhascarried outa systematic campaign of terror against Catholicsin the Northin which innocent men, women and children were the deliberate victims, many of them being brutally and sadistically murdered, Its public spokesmen have openly declared their inten- 110n of Using terrorism and of 10iNg into the anti-unionlst areas ‘eliminating the leaders.

cmbers may drill openly in military uniformand carry out mass intimidation withno fear of hindrance fromthe police ora Yet what is the response to all this? Loyalist leaders like Pais— ley have actively worked with the UDA. The Coalition government gave thema financial grant for community work. The Fianna Fail Government has hada friendly meeting with themunder the guise of the NewUlster Political Research Group. And the British government have acquiesced in their bloody campaign andhave taken a firm decision nat to ban them. This situation cannot continue.

The H-Block campaign, 5of whose members have been mur— dered, must take alead in defence of their campaign. Committees in the North can take positive steps in their own areas anda national political defence could beestablished. TheFiannaFail government must be pressurised to demand action against the UDA.

We must make it clear to the British government that not only wil!

we not accept their attempt to debase the struggle of the Irish working classascriminal but we will not tolerate their legitimis— ing of an organisation whose reason for existence is the maintenance of sectarianismand the defeat of the Irish working class.

THOMAS L

; toRrY On Battered! That's the only way to describe thelrish economy. Mass unemployment, widespread cuts in health and welfare services, housing programmes slashed, industries wiped out or broken in fragments, inflationrising and wages held down! The picture isthe same North and South. So too are the policies of Margaret Thatcher and Charles J. Haughey. Both the British Tories andFianna Fail havea common objective anda common strategy: to maintain profitsfor imperialismby crushing the living standards and organisation of the working class. Thatcher and Haughey have no choice but to pursue the sort of » policies they are following.

They are the local political rep— resentatives of the worldwide system of imperialism: itisthat system whichisincrisis, which isbankrupt. Any of the capital— istparties, as defenders of Sin ale sin) alae d'S profit, would have topursue sim— ilar policies. That's why Fianna Fail, Fine Gael, the Unionist parties and the SDLP have nothing to offer Irish workers: these partiesnot only tolerate but encourage imperialist ex— ploitation of Ireland's economy.

andresources.

NO ANSWER FROMUNIONS

The 234, 000 unemployed, the workers whose jobs are on the line have been offered no alter— native by the present trade union leaders. These leadersare tied to the present system, are committedtokeepinglrelandas aparadise for fly—by—night mul tinationals who reap the riches of public grants and tax subsidies only to flee to another source of easy pickings when these are exhausted. Thereisan alternative, asolution which can provide jobs for all anda decent standardof liv— ing: anAll-Ireland Workers!

Planbackedup by mass indus— trial action and independent political action by the working class throughout the 32 counties.

WORKERS! PLAN

A Workers! Plan would create jobs by imp!|ementing a 35-hour week and sharing existing work without any reduction in wages; by launching a massive prog— ramme of useful public works to build the houses, hospitals and schools so sorely needed. It would defend existing jobs through the nationalisation under workers! control of any firm threatening redundancies.

A Workers! Plan would defend the real value of wages by providing for automaticincreases in wages in line with any increase in inflation. It would include the introduction of a National Minimum Wage of £100 per week to lift the low paid andunemployed out of poverty. A Workers! Plan would be financed through the expropriation of the banks and insurance compan— ies andai| the financial instituttions ofimperialism. Instead of increasing the burden on PAYE workers and the small farmers, there woul dbe punitive taxes for the rich, the monopolies and multinationals. Such a plan could only be implemented by a government which was not subordinate to imperialism, a government of the workers and small farmers themselves. Such a government can only be fought for by overcoming the divisions within the workingclass. The trade union leaders are incapable of uniting the working class and must be replaced. Peoples Democracy is committed to building an alternative to this leadership, an alternative comm-— ittedtoclass struggle policies like the Workers! Plan. Within the trade unions at present there is scattered opposition to the collaboration of the bureaucrats.

This opposition must be drawn together and Peoples Democracy woul dbe interestedin discussing with militants in the trade unions how tobest put this into effect.

JOHN McGEE Alcan: Fight Employer Blacklist A dozen unemployed Limerick tradesmen mounteda protest picket at 7. 30 on the morning of February 23rdon the entrance to the Alcan project outside the city. The aimof these AUEW andNEETU members was to highlight the fact that, despite numer— ous applications and having all the necessary credentials, pre ference in hiring was being given to tradespersonsfromoutside the area and from as far away as Britain The tradesmen!s claimhadalready received publicity in the local and national press and many believed that what was involved was just a case of acute parochjialismon the part of the men.

However, when we investigated the case more closely, ye found that more wasinvolved than meets the eye. It isnow generally accepted that ablacklist, suppliedby Employer organisationsisbeingused to decide who shouldor should not be employedon the island. There are many ways to get on that blacklist -acriminal record, a background of Trade Union activity or association with Socialist or Republican politics.

It has never been denied that application forms, or atleast the detailsonthem, arer-outeg through Henry Street Garda Station. If you are on thepolice listof "political activists", then its thumbs down.

BOSSES BLACKLIST

It now seems that thereis another way of getting on this blacklist.

Thisis what we were told by some of the participantsin the Alcan picket when we spoke to them.

The men claim that the Limerick Engineering Consortium, made up of O!Neills, O!Donnells, Nunans andKelly Engineering, have an understanding with Irish Site Management (the hiring agency onthe Aughinish site) that tradesmen whousually work with one or other of the local engineering firms shouldnot, if they are attracted by the higher money at Alcan, be jobbed on the islandevenif they are unemployed at the time of applying. At the moment, business isnot too good for small local engineering firms, but things are expec— ted to pick up within a few months.

Is it possible that these firms are trying toensure areserve supply of skilledlabour by manufacturing acertain level of unemploymentinthe trades? The trades-— menalsobelieve that the IDA are supporting thistacticasa means of protecting any invest-— mentsit may have made in these firms and which would not bear fruit when things pick up if there was a shortage of skilledand, in comparison with Alcan, cheap labour. A case of money before people? The unemployedAUEW and NEETU members who picketed Alcan made it clear to theworkers there that thepicket was only aprotest aimed at highlighting their case andall employees should proceed into work, Yet, despite thisurging, 300 workers refused to pass the picket andafter shop stewards on the site approached management on behalf of the picketers, it was agreed that the workers wouldbe given another interview.

SCARE STORIES

Initself, the support of the workerson the site was significant.

Apart from the half-day stoppage in supportof the H-Block/Armagh prisoners and the brief Wessoe stoppage, there hasbeen beennoindustrial action onthe site since last Summer's major _ stoppage. All the intimidatory clap-trap about "outsiders", "cowboys''"‘andDes O'Malley's latest creation-— "'bloodyminded workers!!- hashad'a certain effect. All the scare stories that thenext picket "will close the place for good"! are makingit very difficult to protest any high-—handed or heavy-handed moves by Management. Itisun— fortunate that some within the Trade Union movement should give tacit.support to this partic— ular form of industrial blackmail.

In spite of this, the Alcan wor-.

kers, like the vast majonity of Irish workers, still understand that only scabs cross picket lines. In the 3 weeks since their picket action, the trades men have not been interviewed as promised and their local union official has been directed from higher up not to approach Alcan for negotjationson the matter. Cathal O!

Shannon, Alcan!s personnel manager, has issueda statement claiming that it is company policy to give priority inhiring to local labour but neglected to explain why numerous applications, from fully qualifiedLimerick trades-— men have been persisitently overlooked. Next time the whole workforce will be asked to stay out. Alcan!'slittle favours for the native Capitalists may yet turn out tobe both costly and embarassing for that particular multinational.

JOE HARRINGTON

During the '70's, the steambegan torun out of the 26 County Government strategy reliance on foreign multinational investment (FMN).

The Industrial Development Authority (IDA) steppedup its propa— ganda campaign, spending millions of pounds,.to convince the public that foreign investment remained the heal thiest way forward for the Irish economy.

Given the intensity of this propa-— ganda, itisonly natural that the trade union bureaucracy and sectionsof theLeft (especially Sinn Fein — the Workers Party) became faithful aposties of the FMN creed. Below we examine the main reasons they offer to justify their stand. The following points summarise the arguments of the IDA andits supporters: (i) Whereas the traditional (pre— 1960) Irish industry has disinteg— rated, FMN!'snowprovide a quar— ter of jobs, over half of output and two thirds of exports in manufac— turing industry. (ii) FMN's generate a spin-off effect on the rest of the economy , equal to, or greater than, domes— ticIrishindustry. (iii) FMN's bring !advanced! technology and skills which canbe passedon tolrish workers and therefore become available for the development of native-—owned industry. (iv) The FMN's in Ireland, unlixe Third Worldcountries, don't repatriate their profits; they reinvest themhere. (v) FMN's are more stable than domesticIrishindustry anddon't close down as easily or causeas much redundancies. All of these arguments can only be made plausible by a selective choice of facts and misleading definitions. FMN!'s Vs TRADITIONAL IRISH

INDUSTRY?

Itis simply inappropriate to contrast the performance of tradiitional Irishindustry andFMN!'s.

Much of traditional "Irish" industry was foreign-owned any way and displayed many of the limitations associated withpresent day FMN investment (i. e. very low spin offs for other industries, and very low value-added to products). Their decline only emphasises the futility of relying on foreign capital whether itbein the policy context of "import substition" or "export-led growth".

Moreover, the erosion of traditional industry was aprerequis- Ite for attracting FMN investment. Itiscaused, inthe main, by dismantling of protective barriers to facilitate the trading patternsof the FMN!s. So,when counting the number of jobs created by FMN's the jobslostin the traditional sector must be subtracted, not counterposed. When this is done the figures showthat In the Limerick Mayoral election lastJune, the city's''socialist" Alderman, JimKemmy, "in the interests of democracy", voted for FiannaFailer, Clem Casey.

He justified doing soon the basis that it wouldbea" travesty of justice" if Fine Gael gained the office for a thirdyear inarow.

MORE BULL FROM FARME

—_—_— Just BECAUSE | DISUKE FARMERS DOEseN'T MEAN 1 CANT PPPREUATE PRNIMALS ; ESEaALLy TAME ONES LIKE THIS SHEEP.

ANALYSIS OF ECONOMY

The Multinationals. despite arise of national investment to some 20% and since 1960, the average annual rate of employ— ment increase has been less than less than 1% per year.

SPIN-OFF EFFECT

The claim that FMN!sestablish greater linkages (i. e. purchasing of local rawmaterialsand production which is further processedlocally) isbasedona sleight ofhand. There have been twoIDA studies of this question andbothuse definitions of ques-— tionable value. Thefirst, by McAleese, vergeson the absurd.

He compares foreign with domes— tic companies but "domestic''is definedas any company which has been in Ireland five yearsor more. Accordingly, avery high percentage of ''domestic!! companies areinfactFMN'!s. Itis hardly surprising, when he compareslike withlike, that he finds very little difference between the two. His conclusion, there— fore, that foreign industry makes as muchacontribution to the economy asIrishindustry, is completely spurious.

"NEWIRISH INDUSTRY"

The second study, by O'Farrell, isabit more circumspect. He compares ''NewForeign Indus— try" with "Newltrish Industry".

The latter is definedas those companies in which major decisions are made inireland. What heisreferringtohere, ashis own evidence indicates, are those subsidiaries of FMN's which are managedby Irish nationals. These may havea degree of flexibility when deciding company policy but ul tima- On week later, Casey failedto return the compliment when he usedhiscasting vote, as Mayor, against Comrade Kemmy for the prestigious seat on the Regional Development Organisation.

Still, Jim'sprincipled stance for democracy eventually brought its just reward andheis tely they must conform to the strategy of the parent company.

Again, it comesasno surprise that Farrell finds only marginal differences between "Irish" and foreign industry. What these studies measureis essentially the impact of different types of FMN!'s asa whole on the Irish economy. Nonetheless, both studies do give aninsight into thisproblem. .1tbecomes clear that industry inlreland has very tenuous|links with the rest ofthe economy. Butitis only in passing thatMcAleese concedes that "linkages in Ireland are very lowby international standards''.

TECHNIQUESAND SKILLS

A great deal is made of the fact that FMN's bring with them advanced production and management techniques which are then available tolrishnationals who want to setupbusiness. This argument justifies reliance on foreign investment by portray-— ing itas the first step towardsa truly independent Irish economy.

The truth, however, is that most FMN!s which come tolrelandare only small fry by international comparison. Their average number of oven seas branches and emp! oyees are minute compared to the Corporations which figure in the list of the world's top 500 FMN!s. Similarly, their technology andproduction systems have avery lowrating. Itisselfdelusion to imagine that this type of FMN could provide the high level of technique and skill, necessary for would-be Irish entrepreneurs tobreak into international markets.

BASHER

nowallowed to act as deputy Mayor at the odd obscure function.

By far his most important duty to date hasbeen topresent the * prizesatthe deCourcy'sFat Stock Show and Sale. However, being saddled with this task was rather embarrassing for Ald.

Kemmy. For acouple of years now, his favourite hobby horse hasbeen farmer bashing. He makes no differentiation between small farmersandtheranchers, simply seeing everyone outside the city limits as tax—dodgers.

Among the urban population this particular tack has enabled Kemmy to shore up his flagging radical image. The fact that it offersnoreal strategy for wor~ king people in the townsor on the land plays second fiddletohis need to wina Dail seat. He sees this seat being won exclusively oncity votes. Well, of coursea few country votes might make al] the difference inthe scramble for the fiftn seat. So. .asour: photo shows, Jim, complete with Mayoral chain, doeshis duty.

It looks as though he has roped himself abum steer. In any event, FMN's have a builtin tendency against transferring their techniques and skills. They areusually only acogina much larger-production system and their technology and skills have meaning only in the context of this overall system. Thismeansthat in the crucial area of Research and Development most IrishbasedFMN'!s are highly dependent on their parent company.

Most operations, from management tomarketing, tend tobe done from outside the country. Itis only routine skills whichare utilised intireland and these can easily be suppliedby agencies such asAnCo without reference to the FMN's.

REINVESTMENT ?

Itis saidin favour of the FMN!s that while they make considerable profits they reinvest them inIreland. Ther are anumber of mystifications involvedin this claim.

Firstly, we know about the prof— its of the FMN!sonly what they choose totellus, which, to say the least, ishighly suspect. The "profits! of FMN subsidiaries are inreality accountancy conventions because sucha large proportion of them are "horizontally" integrated (i. e. they buy their rawmaterials fromthe parent company and"export!!

their product toa sister company) As such, they no more make a profit than, say, the packaging department of abiscuit factory makesaprofit. But for the purpose of tax evasion in Europe and the United States, it suits the FMN Corporation to showinits accounts that the bulk of itsprofits are madeina tax-free zone like lreland.

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 3

Secondly, the term"'reinvest"' isamisnomer. it conjuresup the idea ofafirmusingitsprofitsto expandits plant, machinery and staff. Infact, very fewFMN!s ever reach the targets they initially promise whenreceiving IDA grants and tax concessions -never mind adding to them.

"Reinvestment" inirelandhas little to do with expansion of industry. Whatit meansby and large, is financial speculation.

Foreign financial institutions have been streaming intolreland to manipulate the fluctuating ex— change rates between the dollar, sterling, punt andEEC currencies. Needlessto say, the "'laundering! of tax free FMN profits provides lucrative business.

STABILITY

One of the most positive aspects of FMN industry is supposedly its durability andresiliencein the face of international recess— ion. Itis claimed that the closure rate of FMN!sisnogreater than for other types of manufacturing firms and that they give added performance inrecessionary periods. The fallacious compar-— ison between FMN!s and other industry has already beenreferred to. Suffice it toaddthata 12% -ate of plant closureresultingin a9% rate of unemployment in that sector isnotimpressive by any comparison. The portrayal of the FMN!sas almost recession-proof is based on the experience of the '74-5 recession. Itis true that their aggregate exportsremained high during thisperiod. But to assume that this illustrates an inherent strengthinFMN!sis incorrect. Ahigh proportion of FMN's did actually experience a decline in exports andemployment. Their miraculous performance, therefore, isexplained not by exi sting companies excell— ing themselves but by newones, highly subsidised by the IDA, settingup. The myth of the,invincibie FMN!s crumbles before the facts. Between 1960 and 1974, atotal of 154 FMN's pulled out of Ireland; in'74 and '!75, a total of 52FMN!spulledouti.e. anincrease of 240% in the annual closure rate during the recession.

The picture is made even more ‘complete by looking at the IDA's Rescue Programme. : In 1975 alone, 56firms, employing 5, 000 workers, had tobe bailed. That isto say, withouta dramatic rescue operation (at the PAYE sector's expense) 12% of jobs in the FMN sector wouldhave been wiped out in one year.

BRENDAN KELL Y

Note: Above we have outlined some some of the inherent weaknesses of FMN!s. While these criticisms areimportant they are only a subordinate part of the story. The debilitating effect of foreign multi-national investment on the Irish economy goes much further.

We will return tothe subjectin the next issue of SR. The Most Profitable Location in the European Community IDA Ireland &

INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT AUTHORITY

NO STRINGS

AT TACHED

590 new jobs were created on the Shannon Industrial Estate over the last 12 months. Inthe same period, 518jobs werelost. The latest Multinational to depart was Premier Helmets. Premier Pacific, asit was then known, wassetupin1973 bya 'fly by night merchant!, John Harrington, on foot of a£&40, 000 SFADCo* grant. 30 workers were employed making motor cycle helmets but by 1975 he had taken anight-Tiight out of town Phil Reed, a former world motor cycling champion, then took over.

According tothe workers, he knewnothing about runninga factory andal ways made époint of wearing aUnion Jack emblem onthe rare occasions he dropped by fremL ondon, In 1977, Premier Pacific went into receivership andlater res-— umed production as Premier Helmets withareduced workforce of ten. InMarch'81, eight years of SFADCo handouts and criminal mismanagement came to anend. SFADCo is looking for an alternative industry for the factory. Perhaps, considering the state of the international Capitalist economy, bicycle helmets might prove a goodline.

Applications to- SFADCo, Shannon Town Centre, Co. Clare.

No experience required -— just the ability toride abike.

* Shannon Free Airport Dev elorement Company

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 4

Lessons of the struggle Prisoners of Partition The meaning of the title, "Prisonersof Partition", the recently published pamphlet of Peoples Democracy, is sharply illustrated in the following paragraph: "The prisoners are therefore "prisoners of partition" in seve— ral distinct senses. They arein jail because of the mass political convulsion that has challenged imperialist rule in lrelandover the past twelve years. They are in jail because of the special political laws and the political mechanisms of torture, repression and judicial internment that are necessary tokeep partition alive.

Finally, their treatment in prison is part of anattempt tolegitimate partition and secure Britishrule over yet another generation of the Irishpeople". It also sums up the approach of the pamphlet — ie,broadly anal y— tical of the anti-imperialist struggle over the last decade.

Itis, above, all, anattempt to (in its own words) "learn as much as we can from thishistory of our struggle rather than repeat the mistakes of the past". "Prisoners ofPartition", lays squarely the blame for a second hunger strike on British shoul-— ders. They have refused to concede to the five demands andrejected any form of compromise with the prisoners. For five longyears, the menin Long Kesh have been "'on the blanket"! and the women in Armagh have joined the protest of their comrades, The pamphlet makes it clear that for five years Britishintransigence isnot sim—le stubbornness or even pure vindictiveness. Notatall, criminalisation of political prisonersispartandparcel of aplan to legitimise the Britishpresence andpartition by way of smashing the anti-imperialist resistance. Imperialist Strategy, by way of the establishment of the sectarian six county state and the whole arsenal of repressive legislation is also tackledin "Prisoners of Fartition". Internment , Bloody Sunday, Diplock Courts, Emergency Provisions Act, Preventionof TerrorismAct, the use of torture both the forerunner and the transmission belt to the H-Block andArmagh, are marked off clearly. No one nowcan be in any doubt of the merits of abroad based cam— paign. The National H-Block/ Armagh campaign mobilised the most massive demonstrations since Bloody Sunday. The campaign hasbeen built in every county of Ireland, has won sym-— pathy from the majority of Irish people and mobilised support in areasnot directly involved in the anti-imperialist struggle previously -tradeunions, the students, youth, women!s movements, inside cultural and spor— ting groups. The campaign also won a high level of international support. Not only has the campaign been united around the prisoners!

demands but al so more and more in the method of massaction. It has become evident to many act— ivists thatnomilit:.ry solution to the question of political status exists. Military actionsundertaken have not developed the campaign andin some instances actually hindered the building of the movement. The recent actionsin Trinity College, although widely condemnedby all involvedin the campaign, point out the dangers of such elitist actions which arenot linked to the masscampaign. The DunLaoghaire incident opens up the debate around !stuntstand ultra-leftist activities, The proposers of such actions argue that what isneededis publicity andany publicity at that, aslong as the H-Block/Armagh campaignreceivesattention. Such actions ina period of mass mobil— isations and mass support should be taken on their merits but we chouldrelect the mistaken be-

H-BLOCK/ARMAGH

A PEOPLES DEMOCRACY

PAMPHLET

The political aims of BritishImperialism, heavily reliant on the Irish Nationalist Bourgeoisie, the Humes, FittsandDevlins of the world, arelaidout. Re-establishing partition as the central factor which drives Britain onwards with the method of repressjon placating Unionism andLoyalism has al ways been secondary to Britainremaining the real masters andincontrol. The pamphlet states the major ob-— stacletolmperialist strategy has been the resistance of the antiimperialist movement, which from time to time has succeeded in mobilising masses of Irishpeople Rebuild lass Campaign neweoneomg 4 Op against particular offensives.

The Civil Rights movement, Northern Resistance Movement, the Rent and Rates Strike were the steps on the road to the fall of Stormont and the winning of pol itical status. The pamphlet emph—asises the mass character of these movements, an essential ingred— ientit stresses, for the success— ful conclusion of the prisoners!

struggle and the path onwards for the anti-imperialist movement.

After 1972, the mass movement declined andfragmented, and this decline lastedright through en

J UNCON @UERED

‘BACKS THE PRISONERS

= lief that any publicity is good or that such activities can rouse the Irish people into action.

These! getrich quick! schemes areno substitute for the hard work around propaganda, building action groups and mass act— ion, Our starting point should alwaysbe what activities willin involve the largest number of people and howcan we bring new layers into the struggle.

But ininvolvingnew layers and forces into the campaign, the question of democracy andrepresentation must be of central importance, Not only because we need co-ordinated activities, butunless groups and individ— uals are seen to havea sayin such activities then they will be hesitant to become involved.

For example, youth and students should not be seen as cannon fodder for the campaign but should be represented throughout all structures of the campaign.

Those who fetishise action _ groups as theonly structural form ignore the reality that where groups and individuals who are not in action groups for what ever reasons,may wish to support the campaign. We 2 should argue for their repres— entationin the campaign. This means arguing for Trade Coun— cils, Trade Union branches to send delegates, for workplace delegates, for representation from cultural and sporting or— ganisations, for representatives from political organisationson all bodiesin the campaign.

All political groups who support the prisoners asa matter of democracy should have represent-— ation. The simple factis that parties providenot just individual activists but give over organisational resources and argue to 1976. The intensity of repress— ion doesnot explain the decline.

Quite the contrary, as the pamphlet argues —- "'The movement was able to grow and move forward even under the hammer— blows of internment and Bloody Sunday. The full force of Loy— alist terror was felt after the decline of the mass movement, not before". The decline was inevitable due to the political confusion and lack of aclear perspective and strategy inside the movement.

AsPrisoners of Partition states: "It had achieved sufficient clarity andunity inits demands, and methods to bring down Stormont, but not sufficient to force out the British and achieve an United Ireland". The pamphlet takes a hardanddir— ect look at the mistakes of the anti-imperialist movement and -notably of the main constituent organisation, the Provos. Their militarist emphasis strategically is traced throughout therise, decline andrise again of the mass movement from the Coalisland Conference, through the Burn—tollet Commemoration, the Eur-— opean Elections and the establishment of the National H-Block/ Armagh campaign. The repetition of some mistakes made once in the RAC!s andnow again inside the campaign, the "restrictions" on democratic representation are highlighted as impediments to the campaign.

The important andcentral role of Peoples Democracy, its traditions andreal roots in the struggle are explainedtoreaders. It isa tradition of the fight for arevolutionary Marxist analysis of the struggle against BritishImperialism and the programme to lead it to success. Perhaps the most important section of the pamphlet is the last one entitled "Where do we go from here!!, Aimed at the H-Block/ Armagh campaign, it best encapsulates themain political con-cepts of the pamphlet as a whole andlaysbefore the reader a strategic orientation for the antiimperialist movement in this prison struggle. It wouldbe difficult to summarise - why not buy andread the pamphlet yourself!

JOAN BRADY

political positions around which debate can take place. Thehis- .

tory for the political status strugs gle has shown that without the active support of the prisoners!

organisations andparticularly Sinn Fein there wouldbeno mass campaign. A further point is that one of the weaknesses of the campaign has been the fail— ureof SinnFein, IRSP to offer astrategy. Any !non-political!

approach disguises this fact and : makes unity more difficult to achieve. We must develop organisational structures which allow for maximum participation andrepres— entation at all levelsin the campaign. Executive committees and working committees can over— come the problems of large and seemingly cumbersome meet— ings. Sucha structure also allows us to engage individual nationalist boureois politicians who support the prisonersin joint political and agreed actjon, Local councils can send representatives, SDLP, IIP, Fianna Fail andLabour Party Cumanns can sendrepresentatives who support the campaign.

All that we demand is that they support the prisoners! demands andactively support the campaign.

q ca No one individual or organisat— jon has amonopoly of ideas and in order for unity in action to take place we must have organi sational structures which allow maximum participation, democratic discussion and decision-making.

Sucha structure will be in stark contrast to the undemocratic or— gans of Britain's puppet system in Ireland - the cause of H-Block and Armagh.

SEANMARMION

Local Government

ELECTIONS:

WHY

WE ARE

STANDING!

PD's decision tocontest the May Local Government electionsin the North and to stand candidates in the areas where F itt and Deviin are standing is animportant method of fighting back against the attacks by imperialism.

We wil! be fighting for the defence of the prisoners and political status, against the Britishpresence and against the cutbacks and the economic oppression of Irish workers. Theunity behind Bobby Sands in Fermanagh/ South Tyrone shows the way toward abroadelectoral alliance of all candidates actively supporting the prisoners. Aunited front of all groups and individuals fighting the election onan antiimperialist and socialist programme would be an even bigger step for ward,

CHALLENGE SILENCE

The most importantissueis, of course, the fate of the prisoners.

The January H-Block/Armagh conference agreed that we would challenge the major Nationalist parties whose silence has helped to confuse the mass of the people in the lasthunger strike. The immediate way for this tobe done is for candidates actively supporting the prisoners to standin the elections. We must face up to the reality of the situation facing the campaign.

The newhunger strike hasnot immediately remobilised the campaign. Many people who sympathize with the prisoners, andeven many who were active inthe last campaign, are confused and demoralisedby the manoeuvres of the main Nationalist parties and the campaign has yet to challenge them successfully and draw these forces into activity.

We must be wary of a strategy that leaves the prisoners totally responsible for their own defence and which in practice wouldlead to the campaign being built on the deaths of prisoners. Anelectoral alliance of candid- In both parts of Irelandelections will soon be takingplace. The Northern local government elections are due for May 21 and Charlie Haughey couldcall an electionin the 26 counties any time between now and June 1982.

PD is standing candidates in the Northern local government elect— ions. Wearealso convinced that itisnecessary toorganizea socialist/anti-imperialist campaign by standing candidates for the 26 Countieselection. Inthe firstofatwopart series, weex— plain the dangers and opportunties which arise in this situation, and how Marxists approach the problems involved. In tireland, incommon with most developed capitalist countries like the USA, West Germany, Japan, andBritain, elections take place at regular intervals andall that changes are the faces.

Capitalists call this democracy and warn that people who want to builda socialist systemare against freedom andliberty. In particular, they try tofrighten usby warning of the restrictions on free debate and expression of opinion which exist in the Soviet Union and other non-capitalist states. Socialist Republicdoes not support abuses like these; as our regular readers will know, we fully support the struggle of the Polish workers against their Stalinist government, and the slanders and threats made against them by Moscow.

CAPITALIST HYPOCRISY

But the capitalists whoclaimto be democratic demonstratea considerable amount of hypocrisy. Initshistory, capitalism ates supporting the campaign linked to agitation harassing and exposing its opponents and building newaction committees through the election campaign providesa way Of really developing a strategy Of mass action.

STORMONT

People's Democracy last stoodin the Stormont elections of 1969 following the Burntollet march.

We stood ona Civil Rights and militant leftist programme with the aim of exposing the hollowness of Unionist Prime Minister O'Neill's promises of reform and challenging the right wingHibernians of the Nationalist Party.

Our strategy was successful.

O'Neil! failedin this attempts to fool the minority into supporting him and the Nationalist Party, withits'halfaloaf isbetter than no bread! was defeated. PD got a total of 23,645 votes. More importantly, in the areas we contested, there developed bothPD branches and militant Civil Rights actiongroups. After the campaign, the movement on the streets was bigger and more firmly based thanever.

ELECTORAL ALLIANCE

In this election, we plan to build a broad intervention by an electoral alliance committed to fighting on the H-Block/Armagh issue.

The PD candidates will them selves be fighting on an anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist programme. We aimtochallienge British lies and show the support for the prisoners! struggle. We aim to challenge the opponents of the prisoners in the Nationalist parties and to give the peoplea real alternative to Fitt andDevlin. or they will use People's Democracy has decided to give itsfirst priority tochallenging Gerry Fitt and Paddy Devlin in the North'slLocal Governmentelections. Fitt'srecordis already known and we have already been engagedina 'Dump Fitt! petition repudiatinghis attack on the prisoners and cal!ingonhimtoresign. The petition has gathered over 5, 000 signa- Above all, we want toorganise.

We want, through the campaign, to drawnew forces into the political status struggle and to lay the basis for abroad struggle on the streets against the political, social and economic domination of imperialism tures — well over the number of votes cast for Fittin the last Council elections. About amonthago, Paddy Devlin followedinhismaster's footsteps witha savage attack on trade unionists supporting the prisoners. We must oppose these individuals JOHN MCANUL TY in order to answer their challenge the wizard of Stormont Twey Want Jos Equanity Twey CAN HAVE oR EQuauiTy WITH LoyausTs WHEN THEY BecoMe Loyausrs ! £41 =_ Use your vote against them, it against you. to the campaign but we are opposed to them on an even deeper level.

Recently, Fitt and Devlin made an electoral pact with the pro-imperialist 'UnitedLabour Party! and the Sinn Fein - Workers! party machine andare standing as ‘independent socialist! candidates.

Asrevolutionary Marxists, we cannot standby andlet Socialism be dragged through the mire and the label used asa cover for supportfor imperialism, attackson the prisoners anda capitulation on the economic and social! oppression of the Irishpeople. We call onal! anti-imperialists and socialists to help us defeat these gangsters and prevent themusing the tradition of James Connolly aspart of their sordid betrayal s.

THIS YEAR MY CAMPHIGN

%y, SLOGAN WILL BE:

SOCIALIST REPUBLIU PAGE 5

DUMP FITT | No to Boycott Ditch Devlin

FERMANAGH-SOUTH TYRONE

BY-FLECTION SHOWS THE WAY

Since PD decided its candidacy in the May Local Government electionsin the North, we have had discussions both with other anti-imperialist political parties and militants. We have received enthusiastic support but we have also been criticised. The IRSP hasasked usto withdraw topreserve the unity of the campaign and a member of Beifast Sinn Fein has publicly accusedus of opportunism.

On the question of unity our positionisclear. TheH-Block/Armagh campaign'snationa! policy is to harass candidates who opp- Ose the prisoners. We stand within that policy andinfact, our candidacy is aimedat extending that into an active intervention in the elections. General opposition to the opponents of the prisonersis, we be- WHY DONT You

SHORTEN IT 12:

“You NEVER HAD IT”? lieve, the only appropriate policy for the campaign and the danger tounity comes from those who urge ageneral boycott, thu s going beyond the basis of the five demands and narrowing the base of the campaign.

The tag of opportunismneedsno answer. Our 13 yearsof involvementin the struggle and our 5 year involvementin the defence of political statusis sufficient answer. The real answer tothe criticisms tles in Bobby Sand!s campaign in Fermanagh/South Tyrone. It gives an opportunity to mobilise the mass of the Irish people behind the prisoners andprovides a strategy for victory. Asimilar strategy in the North!sLocal Government elections isessential. The politicsof the boycott do not provide this.

I WAS ONLY

TRYING To CUT

DOWN ON THE

PRINTING

costs! hasknown several different types of governments. Itisonly fifty yearsagointhe 1930's whenone major capitalist regime after another in Western Europe and Japan fell under fascism, easily the most ruthless and barbaric form of government the worldhas yet experienced. Even todayoneof the world's most powerfulcapitalist countries, South Africa, is the one which most consistently tries to implement the poisonous anti-human theories of the fascists by opp— ressing the majority of the population because of the colour of their skin. were opposed.

FIGHT LIMITATIONS

Revolutionaries must al ways fight these limitations, andthe pretensions of the capitalists.

Butit must also be recognised that when the majority of the people have illusions in the electoral andparliamentary process, andthe revolutionary movement lacks the strength to do away the existing bourgeois state apparatus, revolutionaries must participateinthem. Thisis true of even the most counterrevolutionary parliaments as the experience of the Bolsheviks in pre-revolutionary Russia shows.

Finally, theright toelect agov— ernment ona full adult franchise was only won from the capitalists after decades of strugglesby the oppressed majority. The capitalists only granted extensions to the franchise as parliamentary institutions began to play an ever smallerrole inthe governing of countries. Today, parliaments are subject to theirresistible pressure of capital, national and international; the opinions of the mass of the people canbe over-ridden either by changing the rules of"democracy'! -like Britain didin trelandby imposing partition or like the Unionists have done inthe six counties through discrimination and gerrymandering - or by simply denying the people aright to decide, like whenBritain first entered the EEC even though at the time majority of the people Lenin drew attention to many of them when he took up a debate with the "ultra-leftists" in the early 1920's. The ThirdInternational founded byLenin and Trotsky Wasinitsearly stages andhad to findtheright tactics to deal with the fact that, inmost of Western Europe, therevol—" utionary tide had ebbed and most workers in the advanced capitalist countries had deep illusions in parliamentary democracy and Social Democraticparties. In these circumstances, some members of the International were against contesting parliamentary elections.

LENIN'S STRATEGY

By contrast, Lenin argued that participationin elections was "not only useful but indispensible to the party of the revol-— utionary proletariat, after the first bourgeoisrevolutionin Russia (1905) soas topave the way for the second bourgeois revolution (February 1917) and for the socialist revolution (October 1917). The quotationis taken fromLenin!s 'Left Wing Communism, an Infantile Dis— order! which was written in 1920 specially toanswer members of the Third International who took anultra-left position, calling for non participation in bourgeois elections. Lenin wrote that the Bolsheviks consideredit "...

obligatory toparticipate ina most reactionary parliament. '"' He also argued against those who said the bourgeois parliament was "obsolete! by writing: "Parliamentarism, of course, is 'politically obsolete!....but—and that is the whole point - we must not regard what is obsolete for us as being obsolete for the class, asbeing obsolete for the masses. .... Youmustcall their (i. e. the masses) bourgeois democratic prejudices — prejudices. But at the same time you must soberly follow the actual state of class consciousness and preparedness of the whole class .+., Ofall the toiling masses..."

The main criterion for Marxists ishowbest to break down the illusion in bourgeois democracy and expose the limiations of capitalist society. We wouldbe deluding ourselves if we thought, as some do, thatparticipatingin the parliamentary institutions of Lenin in disguise, July 1917 tne bourgeois state somehow gives thema "false legitimacy".

The problem however is that the these institutions already have legitimacy. The masses automatically turn to them andplace demands on them in times of pol itical upheaval. Inother words, they are seen as the main political focusin society. By refusing to put for ward candid— ates who fight on an action programme to bring forward the level of mass struggle, we would be abstaining fromrelat— ing to the political life of the masses. The way Bernadette Devlinused her position as anMP in the early seventiesisacaseinpoint. Similarty her campaign for the Euro- Parliament served to unite broad forces behind the H-Block/Armagh prisoners and paved the way for the Smash H-Block/Armagh campaign.

REVOLUTIONARY TACTICS

Sometimes, boycott tacticsare justified. The following acid test can be applied to them, as well as to all other revolutionary tactics: do they strengthen the mass movement and the revol— utionary consciousness of the workingclass? Inparticular, can an 'active! boycott be mounted in whichrevolutionaries counter— pose to the bourgeoiselectionsa viable and more democratic alter— native which will attract the masses -— whether it be behind the slogan of calling for the workers!

own organs of power, soviets, street committees. Ifnone of these aims can be achieved through aboycott, itisamistaken tactic. A failed 'active! boycott holds no advance for the struggle of the working class and exposes the political misjudgment of those who made the call. Similarly, a Ipassive! boycott campaign which offersno alternative to the bourgeois structure, save possible abstract callstostruggle, ex— poses the political impotence of the groups involved and will contribute to their isolation from the masses.

JAMES GALLAGHER

(Part Two will appear in the next issue of Socialist Republic)

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 4

Lessons of the struggle The meaning of the title, "Prisonersof Partition", the recently published pamphlet of Peoples Democracy, is sharply illustrated in the following paragraph: "The prisoners are therefore "prisoners of partition" in several distinct senses. They arein jail because of the mass political convulsion that has challenged imperialist rule in lreland over the past twelve years. They are in jail because of the special political laws and the political mechanisms of torture, repression and judicial internment that are necessary tokeep partition alive.

Finally, their treatment in prison is part of anattempt tolegitimate partition and secure Britishrule over yet another generation of the Irish people!'. It also sums up the approach of the pamphlet - ie broadly analy—tical of the anti-imperialist struggle over the last decade.

Itis, above, all, anattemptto (in its own words) "learn as much as we can from thishistory of our struggle rather than repeat the mistakes of the past". "PrisonersofPartition", lays squarely the blame for a second hunger strike on British shoulders. They have refused to con-— cede to the five demands andrejected any form of compromise with the prisoners. For five longyears, the menin Long Kesh have been "on the blanket"! and the women in Armagh have joined the protest of their comrades. The pamphlet makes it clear that for five years British intransigence isnot simle stubbornness or even pure vindictiveness. Notatall, criminalisation of political prisonersispartandparcel of aplan to legitimise the Britishpres— ence andpartition by way of smashing the anti-imperialist resistance. Imperialist Strategy, by way of the establishment of the sectarian six county state and the whole arsenal of repressive legislation is alsotackledin''Prisoners of Fartition''. Internment , Bloody Sunday, Diplock Courts, Emergency ProvisionsAct, Prevention of TerrorismAct, the use of torture both the forerunn— er andthe transmission belt to the H-Block and Armagh, are marked off clearly. No one nowcan be in any doubt of the merits of abroad based cam— paign. The National H-Block/ Armagh campaign mobilised the most massive demonstrations since Bloody Sunday. The campaign has been builtin every county of Ireland, has won sym-— pathy from the majority ofIrish people and mobilised support in areasnot directly involved in the anti-imperialist struggle previously -—tradeunions, the students, youth, women!s move— ments, inside cultural and spor— ting groups. The campaignalso won a high level of international support. Not only has the campaign been united around the prisoners!

demands but also more and more in the method of massaction. It has become evident tomany activists thatno milit: ry solution to the question of political status exists. Military actionsundertaken have not developed the campaign andin some instances actually hindered the building of the movement. Therecent actionsin Trinity College, although widely condemnedby all involvedin the campaign, point out the dangers of such elitist actions which arenot linkedto the masscampaign. The DunLaoghaire incident opens up the debate around !stunts'and ultra-leftist activities. The proposers of such actions argue that what isneededis publicity andany publicity at that, aslong as the H-Block/Armagh campalgnreceivesattention. Such actionsina period of mass mobil- Isationsandmass support should be taken on their merits but we chouldreteact the mistaken be-

PAMPHLET

The political aims of BritishImp— erialism, heavily reliant on the Irish Nationalist Bourgeoisie, the Humes, Fitts andDevlins of the world, arelaidout. Re-establishing partition as the central factor which drives Britain onwards with the method of repression placating Unionism andLoyalismhas always been secondary to Britainremaining the real mas— ters andincontrol. The pamphlet states the major ob-— stacletolmperialist strategy has been the resistance of the antiimperialist movement, whichfrom time to time has succeeded in mobilising masses of Irishpeople bh? Prisoners of Partition

H-BLOCK/ARMAGH

A PEOPLES DEMOCRACY

Rebuild Mass Campaign newsorvamg 4 0p against particular offensives.

The Civil Rights movement, Northern Resistance Movement, the Rent andRates Strike were the steps on the road to the fall of Stormont and the winning of political status. The pamphlet emphasises the masscharacter of these movements, an essential ingred— ientit stresses, for the success-— ful conclusion of the prisoners!

struggle and the path onwards for the anti-imperialist movement.

After 1972, the mass movement declined andfragmented, and this decline lastedright through 1 tWecuieizRe? % Re ia TH HE PRISONeRSy pT | lief that any publicity is goodor that such activities can rouse the Irish people into action.

These! getrich quick! schemes areno substitute for the hard work around propaganda, buil— ding action groups and mass act— ion. Our starting point should always be what activities will in involve the largest number of people and howcan we bring new layers into the struggle.

But ininvolving new layers and forces into the campaign, the question of democracy andrepresentation must be of central importance. Not only because we need co-ordinated activities, but unless groups and individ— uals are seen tohavea sayin such activities then they will be hesitant to become involved.

For example, youth and students should not be seen as cannon fodder for the campaign but should be represented throughout all structures of the campaign.

Those who fetishise action _ groupsastheonly structural form ignore thereality that where groups and individuals who are not in action groups for what ever reasons,may wish to support the campaign. We Fs should argue for their repres— entationin the campaign. This means arguing for Trade Coun-— cils, Trade Union branches to send delegates, for workplace delegates, for representation from cultural and sporting organisations, for representatives from political organisationson all bodiesin the campaign.

All political groups who support the prisoners asamatter of democracy shouldhaverepresent-— ation. The simple factisthat parties providenot just individual activists but give over organ— isational resources and argue to 1976. The intensity of repression doesnot explain the decline.

Quite the contrary, as the pamphiet argues —''The movement was able to grow and move forward even under the hammerblows of internment and Bloody Sunday. The full force of Loy— alist terror was felt after the decline of the mass movement, not before!!, The decline was inevitable due to the political confusion and lack of aclear perspective and strategy inside the movement.

AsPrisoners of Partition states: "It had achieved sufficient clar—ity andunity inits demands, and methods to bring down Stormont, but not sufficient to force out the British and achieve an United Ireland", The pamphlet takesa hardanddirect look at the mistakes of the anti-imperialist movement and notably of the main constituent organisation, theProvos. Their militarist emphasis strategically is traced throughout the rise, decline andrise again of the mass movement from the Coalisland Conference, through the Burntollet Commemoration, the European Elections and the estab— lishment of the National H-Block/ Armagh campaign. The repetition of some mistakes made once in the RAC!s andnow again inside the campaign, the "restrictions! on democratic representation are highlighted as impediments to the campaign.

The important andcentral role of Peoples Democracy, its traditions andreal roots in the strug— gle are explainedtoreaders. It is a tradition of the fight for arevolutionary Marxist analysis of the struggle against British Im— perialismand the programme to leadit to success. Perhaps the most important section of the pamphlet is the last one entitled ''Where do we go from here", Aimed at the H-Block/ Armagh campaign, it best encap-— sulates the.main political concepts of the pamphlet asa whole and lays before the reader a strategic orientation for the antiimperialist movement in this prison struggle. It wouldbe difficult to summarise - why not buy andread the pamphlet yourself!

JOAN BRADY

political positions around which debate can take place. Thehis- .

tory for the political status struggle has shown that without the active support of the prisoners!

organisations andparticularly Sinn Fein there would beno mass > campaign. Afurther point is that one of the weaknesses of } the campaign hasbeen the fail—ureof SinnFein, IRSP to offer astrategy. Any !non-political!

approach disguises this fact and _ makes unity more difficult to achieve. We must develop organisational structures which allow for maximum participation andrepres-— entation atall levelsin the campaign. Executive committees and working committees can over—= , come the problems of large and seemingly cumbersome meet-— ings. Sucha structure also allows us to engage individual nationalist boureois politicians who support the prisonersin joint political and agreed action. Local councils can send representatives, SDLP, IIP, FiannaFail andLabour Party Cumanns can sendrepresentatives who support the campaign, All that we demand is that they support the prisoners! demands andactively support the campaign.

No one individual or organi sat— ion has a monopoly of ideas and in order for unity in action to take place we must have organi sation= al structures whichallow maximum participation, democratic discussion and decision-making.

Sucha structure will bein stark contrast to the undemocratic or— gans of Britain's puppet system in Ireland-— the cause of H-Block and Armagh.

SEAN MARMION

Local Government

ELECTIONS:

HY

WE ARE

STANDING!

PD's decision to contest the May Local Government electionsin the North and to stand candidates in the areas where F itt andDeviin are standing is an important method of fighting back against the attacks by imperialism.

We will be fighting for the defence of the prisoners andpolitical status, against the Britishpresence and against the cutbacks andthe economic oppression of Irish workers. Theunity behind Bobby Sands in Fermanagh/ South Tyrone shows the way toward abroadelectoral alliance of all candidates actively supporting the prisoners. Aunited front of all groups and individuals fighting the election onan antiimperialist and socialist programme would be an even bigger step for ward,

CHALL ENGE SILENCE

The mostimportantissueis, of course, the fate of the prisoners.

The January H-Block/Armagh conference agreed that we would challenge the major Nationalist parties whose silence has helped to confuse the mass of the people in the lasthunger strike. The immediate way for this tobe done is for candidates actively supporting the prisoners to standin the elections. We must face up tothe reality of the situation facing the campaign.

The new hunger strikehasnot immediately remobilised the campaign. Many people who sympathize with the prisoners, andeven many who were active inthe last campaign, are confused and demoralised by the manoeuvres of the main Nationalist parties and the campaign has yet to challenge them successfully and draw these forces intoactivity.

We must be wary of a strategy that leaves the prisoners totally responsible for their own defence and whichin practice wouldlead to the campaign being built on the deaths of prisoners. Anelectoral alliance of candid- In both parts of Irelandelections will soon be taking place. The Northern local government elections are due for May 21 and Charlie Haughey couldcall arn election inthe 26 counties any time between now and June 1982.

PD is standing candidates in the Northern local government elect— ions. Wearealso convinced that itisnecessary toorganizea : socialist/anti-imperialist cam— paign by standing candidates for the 26 Countieselection. Inthe firstofatwopart series, weexplain the dangers and oppor tun— ties which arise in this situation, andhow Marxists approach the problems involved. In ireland, incommon with most developed capitalist countries like the USA, West Germany, Japan, andBritain, elections take place at regular intervals andall that changes are the faces.

Capitalists call this democracy and warn that people who want to builda socialist system are against freedomandliberty. In particular, they try to frighten usby warning of the restrictions on free debate and expression of opinion which exist in the Soviet Union and other non-capitalist states. Socialist Republic does not support abuses like these; as our regular readers will know, we fully support the struggle of the Polish workers against their Stalinist government, and the slanders and threats made against them by Moscow.

CAPITALIST HYPOCRISY

But the capitalists whoclaimto be democratic demonstratea considerable amount of hypocrisy. Initshistory, capitalism

ates supporting the campaign linked to agitation harassing and exposing its opponents and building newaction committees through the election campaign providesa way of really developing a strategy of mass action.

STORMONT

People's Democracy last stoodin the Stormont elections of 1969 following the Burntollet march.

We stood ona Civil Rights and militant leftist programme with the aim of exposing the hollowness of Unionist Prime Minister O'Neil!'s promises of reform and challenging the right wingHibernians of the Nationalist Party.

Our strategy was successful.

O'Neil! failedin this attempts to fool the minority into supporting him and the NationalistParty, withits 'halfaloaf isbetter than no bread! was defeated. PD got a total of 23,645 votes. More importantly, in the areas we contested, there developedbothPD branches and militant Civil Rights action groups. After the campaign, the movement on the streets was bigger and more firmly based thanever.

ELECTORAL ALLIANCE

In thiselection, we plan to build abroad intervention by an electoral alliance committed to fighting on the H-Block/Armagh issue.

The PD candidates will! themselves be fighting on an anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist programme. We aimtochallenge Britishlies and show the support for the prisoners! struggle. We aim to challenge the opponents of the prisoners in the Nationalist parties and to give the peoplea real alternative toFitt andDevlin. Above all, we want toorganise.

We want, through the campaign, to drawnew forces into the pohitical status struggle and tolay the basis for abroad struggle on the streets against the political, social and economic domination of imperialism

JOHN MCANUL TY

fhe wizard of Stormont Use your vote against them, or they will use People's Democracy has decided to give its first priority tochallenging Gerry Fitt and Paddy Devlin inthe North'slocal Governmentelections. Fitt'srecordis already known and we have already been engagedina'Dump Fitt! petitionrepudiating his attack on the prisoners and cal iing onhimtoresign. The petition has gathered over 5, 000 signatures — well over the number of votes cast for Fittin the last Council elections. About amonthago, Paddy Devlin followedinhismaster's footsteps witha savage attack on trade unionists supporting the prisoners. We must oppose these individuals inorder to answer their challenge “Twey CAN HAVE oR EQuauTy WiTw Loyausts THEY Become Loyausrs ! it against you. to the campaign but we are opposed to them on an even deeper level.

Recently, Fitt and Devlin made an electoral pact with the pro-imper-— ialist 'UnitedlL abour Party! and the Sinn Fein - Workers! party machine andare standing as ‘independent socialist! candidates.

Asrevolutionary Marxists, we cannot standby andlet Socialism be dragged through the mire and the label used asa cover for support for imperialism, attacks on the prisoners anda capitulation on the economic and social oppression of the Irishpeople. We call onal! anti-imperialists and socialists to help us defeat these gangsters andprevent themusing the tradition of James Connolly aspart of their sordid betrayal s.

THIS YEAR MY CAMPHIGN

SLOGAN WILL BE:

“YOU NEVER HAD IT So Gaop”

SOCIALIST REPUBLIU PAGE 5

DUMP FITT | No to Boycott Ditch Devlin

FERMANAGH-SOUTH TYRONE

BY-ELECTION SHOWS THE WAY

Since PD decidedits candidacy in the May Local Government electionsinthe North, we have had discussions both with other anti-imperialist political parties and militants. We have receivedenthusiastic support but we have also been criticised. The IRSP hasasked usto withdraw topreserve the unity of the campaign and a member of Belfast SinnFeinhas publicly accusedus of opportunism.

On the question of unity our positionisclear. TheH-Block/Armagh campaign'!snationa! policy isto harass candidates who opp- Ose theprisoners. We stand within that policy andin fact, candidacy is aimedat extending that into an active intervention in the elections. our General opposition to the opponents of the prisonersis, we be-

WHY DON ‘T YOU

SHORTEN IT To: : “You NEVER HAD IT”? hasknown several different types of governments. Itisonly fifty yearsagointhe 1930's whenone major capitalist regime after another in Western Europe and Japan fell under fascism, easily the most ruthless and barbaric form of government the worldhas yet experienced. Even todayoneof the world's most power fulcapitalist countries, South Africa, is the one which most consistently tries to implement the poisonous anti-human theories of the fascists by oppressing the majority of the population because of the colour of their skin. Finally, theright toelect agovernment on a full adult franchise was only won from the capitalists after decades of strugglesby the oppressedmajority. The capitalists only granted extensions to the franchise as parliamentary institutions began to play an ever smallerrole inthe governing of countries. Today, parliaments are subject to theirresistible pressure of capital, national and international; the opinions of the mass of the people can be over-ridden either by changing the rules of!!democracy!! -—like Britain didin Irelandhy imposing partition or like the Unionists have done in the six counties through discrimination and gerrymandering - or by simply denying the people aright to decide, like when Britain first entered the EEC even though at the time majority of the people were opposed.

FIGHT LIMITATIONS

Revolutionaries must al ways fight these limitations, andthe pretensions of the capitalists.

But it must also be recognised that when the majority of the people have illusionsin the electoral andparliamentary process, andtherevolutionary movement lacks the strength to do away the existing bourgeois state apparatus, revolutionaries must participateinthem. Thisis true of even the most counter— revolutionary parliaments as the experience of the Bolsheviks in pre-revolutionary Russia shows.

Lenin drew attention to many of them when he took up a debate with the "ultra-leftists! in the early 1920's. The ThirdInternational founded by Lenin and Trotsky Was initsearly stages andhadto findthe right tactics to deal with the fact that, inmost of Western Europe, therevol—" utionary tide had ebbed and most workers in the advanced capital— ist countries had deep illusions in parliamentary democracy and Social Democraticparties. In these circumstances, some mem= bers of the International were against contesting parliamentary elections.

LENIN'S STRATEGY

By contrast, Lenin argued that participationin elections was "not only useful but indispensible to the party of the revol— utionary SfBlcianige: after the first bourgeoisrevolutionin Russia(1905) soas topave the way for the second bourgeois revolution (February 1917) and for the socialist revolution (October 1917). The quotationis taken fromLenin!'s 'Left Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder! which was written in 1920 specially to answer members of the ThirdInternational who took an ultra-left position, calling for non participation in bourgeois elections. Lenin wrote that the Bolsheviks consideredit "...

obligatory toparticipate ina most reactionary parliament. !' He also argued against those who said the bourgeois parliament was "obsolete!! by writing: "Parliamentarism, of course, is 'politically obsolete!....but— and that is the whole point - we must not regard what is obsolete for us as being obsolete for the class, asbeing obsolete for the masses. . You must call their (i. e. the masses) bourgeois democratic prejudices — prejudices. Butat the same time you must soberly follow the actual state of class consciousness and preparedness of the whole class -..., Ofall the toilingmasses...!!

The main criterion for Marxists ishowbest to break down the illusion in bourgeois democracy and expose the limiations of cap-— italist society. We wouldbe deluding ourselves if we thought, as some do, thatparticipatingin the parliamentary institutions of Lenin in disguise, July 1917 tne bourgeois state somehow gives thema"false legitimacy".

The problem however is that the these institutions already have legitimacy. The masses auto— matically turn to them andplace demands on themin times of pol itical upheaval. In other words, they are seen as the main political focusin society. By refusing to put forward candid-—ates who fight on an action programme to bring forward the level of mass struggle, we would be abstaining fromrelat— ing to the political life of the lieve, the only appropriate policy for the campaign and the danger tounity comes from those whe urge ageneral boycott, thus going beyond the basis of the five demands andnarrowing the base of the campaign.

The tag of opportunism needsno answer. Our 13 years of involvementin the struggle and our 5 year involvementin the defence of political statusis sufficient answer. The real answer tothe criticisms llesin Bobby Sand!s campaignin Fermanagh/South Tyrone. It jives an Opportunity tomobilise the mass of the Irish people behind the prisoners and provides a strategy for victory. Asimilar strategy in the North!sLocal Government elections is essential. Thepolitics of theboycott donot provide this. masses. The way Bernadette Devlinused her position as an MP in the early seventiesisacaseinpoint. Similarty her campaign for the Euro— Parliament served tounite broad forces behind the H-Block/Armagh prisoners and paved the way for the Smash H-Block/Armagh campaign.

REVOLUTIONARY TACTICS

Sometimes, boycott tacticsare justified. The following acid test can be applied to them, as well astoal! other revolutionary tactics: do they strengthen the mass movement and the revol— utionary consciousness of the workingclass? Inparticular, canan 'active! boycott be mounted in whichrevolutionaries counter— pose to the bourgeoiselections a viable and more democratic alternative which will attract the masses -— whether it be behind the slogan of calling for the workers!

own organs of power, soviets, street committees. Ifnone of these aims can be achieved through aboycott, itisamistaken.

tactic. A failed 'active! boycott holds no advance for the struggle of the working class andexposes the political misjudgment of those who made the call. Similarly, a Ipassive! boycott campaign which offersno alternative to the bourgeois structure, save possible abstract callsto struggle, exposes the political impotence of the groups involved and will contribute to their isolation from the masses.

JAMES GALLAGHER

(Part Two will appear in the next issue of Socialist Republic)

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 6

In arecent article inRepublican News (March 14th) Teresa Kelly adopts an attitude of hostility towards the independent women!s movement while feeling forced to accept support for the Armagh struggle even from such "trendy!

quarters. Quoting a sister Sinn Fein mem— ber, she says that feminists had taken years torealise the impor— tance of the national question while Sinn Fein women had at least got their prioritiesright fromthe start. She setsupa false division between those women (by implication, the 'better!

women) who have been pushed to articulate their demands by their involvement in the fight for national liberation and those women who have come to the same positions by debate and struggle in the women's movement. She also quotes arepresentative of Sinn Fein's women!s dept who states that feminists mustrelate to the ordinary women who have learned about politics fromthe streets of the occupied North!

and criticises feminists for their use of trendy jargon. Itiscertainly true that sections: of the women's movement have divorced themselves from the struggle against imperialist domination. But what TeresaKkelly!s article ignoresis the develop— ments which have taken place in the women!s movement mainly through the debate initiatedby women member s of People's Democracy aslongas7 yearsago.

AUT ONOMOU SMOVEMENT

The women!s movement isnota homogenous mass of either "trendies'' or revolutionaries. Itis a movement united to fight wo-men!s oppression and itisthe only guarantee that women!s needs will not be by passed or forgotten about in any new social— ist society. For thisreason, it has animportance initself and women revolutionaries must defend itsright to exist auto— nomously. The women's movement doesnot existina vacuumeither. Women who begin to examine their opp— ression asa sex very often begin to question all of the other values so often taken for granted. In particular, the protest of the Armagh women prisoners forced every feminist to question where she stood on their fight and their suffering. All three work shops on Armagh The strength of the H-Block/Armagh struggle has shown itself in many ways. Among other things, ithasforced the 'hurlers onthe ditch! out onto the pitch where all can see their skills. Unfortunately, it isnot alwaysapleasant spectacle.

After years of sitting on the fence, many of themare out of condition and tend to get in the way of play. When theref isn't looking they will even attempt to knock their own team-mates off the ball. A case in point is the League for a Workers! Republic, whichin arecent issue of its journal, Workers! Republic, commitsa number of off—the—bal! fouls againstPD. Theclumsiness of these flying tackles isno surprisetous. The LWRhasnot much experience in playing for the anti-imperialist team.

Their recordisone of hostility to, andabstentionfrom, the anti-imperialist struggle. At one time, they specialised in branding the Provosas"nation= alist provacateurs!! who should be disarmed andrun out of the labour movement. At the height of the Loyalist pogroms against the Catholic minority, they proclaimed that "their sympathyis entirely with the Protestant worker s!! and called for unconditional support for the Protestants!right to self—determination. Not surprisingly, they became a moribund sect and practically disappeared, When they reemerged in the mid-!70!s they hadn't learnt much, They retaineda vitriolic hostility tothe anti-imperialist movement des— cribingitasa''petty—bourgeois current indecay"', They pre~.

ferred to grovel in the shadow of Corish and Cluskey rather than An anti-imperialist perspective ; mu st recognise the importance of the issues which women are organising around today and at the conference organisedby the Southern government—app-— ointed Council for the Status of Women supported the five demands of the prisoners and called for the release of Pauline Mct_oughlin.

EXPOSE CONSERVATIVES

The process of politicisation of women is an uneven one and certainly only sections of the women!s movement will be won to an anti-imperialist per spective, But revolutionaries have the duty and task tobe in that movement, toraise the issuesandto expose the posers (like Gemma Hussey, whoexposed her self asa woman more concerned wi th consolidating conservative power than with supporting suff— ering women during the debates on the Armagh women's struggle).

IMPERIALISM AND FEMINISM

; While it isimportant that femin- Women The oppression of women takes many forms andavery obvious one in the run up to general elect— ions in the 26 Countiesis the tiny number of women in the Dail.

Atpresent, there are 7 out of 144 and most of this 7 were elec— ted on someone else!sname.

Because of this, the women!s movement is facing pressure to support women candidatesas such, inorder to improve women!s numerical positionin the 26 County Dail. But the fundamental problem for women liesin the structure of Irish society andnot one of the women candidates currently presenting themselves for election are capable of putting for warda platform that can deal consistently with the oppression of women's lives. Toask women to vote for other women purely on the basis of sex,side-steps the issue of whether and how these women will represent those who vote for them. In some cases, men may be more consistent fighters for women!s rights than women deputies, where their programme is one which concerns itself with the issues facing all oppressed ists should take up andunderstand the struggles of women in the anti-imperialist movement, itis equally true that anti-imperjialist women see the importance of becoming apart of, and supporting, the broader autonomous movement of women, It isnot just a question of individually supporting campaigns of ine Women's movement around questions like divorce, contraception, abortion, etc although these are vitally important and centrally pinpoint the denial of democratic rights tolrish women. Imperialism has hindered the achievement of a woman!s right to control her own fertility.

Thisis seen atits simplest in the creation of a confessional state in the 26 counties which has al ways bowed to the most reactionary clerical forces within it and whose existence would be seriously threatened if it didgrantbasicrights. Similarly, inthe 6 counties, only in the most indirect way has there been any advance in pursuing women!s rights and where social legislation tends more tomimic that which exists in the 26 countiesrather than in Britain.

and Electoralism people in Ireland. Even a woman who standsona radical platform for women's rights cannot be supported on that basisalone, The partition of Irelandled, among other things, to aunique form of social oppression in which even the most basic demands for reform became a threat to the stability of the two artificial states, North and Southy two confessional states formed in which the cen— tral role of the Catholic Church in the South was only matched by the integration of the Protestant Churches in the North withLoyalist politics. In the South, the 1920's, when partition was being consolidated, sawa barrage ofrepressive legislation on divorce, censor-— ship, mixed dances and contra— ception. Thisculminatedin the enshrinement of the family as the basicunit oflrish society, and the Catholic Church as the recog— nised Church of the State in the 1937 Constitution. Itisnoco-— incidence that this legislation appeared inthis context and that latterday attempts atreform have been totally piecemeal in character. The "Irish solution to the Irish problem!''isaphrase ...an Infantile Disorder Civil Liberties News Even if the formulations of the LWR were sometimes a little crude, we were in general correct to oppose the orientation of the Peoples Democracy and to counterpose to it an orientation to the workers' movement and the organisation of the working class against its leaderS and against pro-imperialist politicians.

But our growth and our effectiveness were seriously impaired by our imprisonment in the Free State Labour Party.

Above we reproduce a paragraph from the magazine under discussion.

While obviously disagreeing with the analysis we are extremely concerned toread of the "imprisonment"! of. WR members in the Irish Labour Party. Inour usual non-sectarian, unselfish manner we are willing tolaunch an immediate campaign calling for these comrades unconditional release. We await details of whothese peopleare. In the meantime we reproduce an artists impression of the kind of individual militants should be on the look-out for.

to actively participate in the campaigns against imperialist repression. For them, the salt of the Irish working class were those who had illusions inthe Labour Party. In short, the L_WR and other sectarian groups like them are based on the most politically backward sections of the working class.

Flowing logically fromthis, they have areformist concept of class struggle which focuses not on the needto smash state power but on winning "bread and butter !!

reforms. Accordingly, they are unable tounderstand the full importance of the National Struggle, whichisessentially a struggle to destroy the Northern and Southern states, Thisis well illustratedin their attitude toFiannaFail andthe

SDLP.

Thel WR chargesPD with wanting to subordinate the H-Block/ Armagh campaign to the interests of FiannaFail andthe SDLP.

Thereisnota grain of truthin thisallegation. What they really object toisPD!sfight to place the exposure of the comprador parties at the centre of the political status struggle. Fianna Fail, at the moment, isthe single most stable prop of Partition that BritishImperialismhas. Butit can maintainits position only by of more political relevance than many people in their amusement assumed, It is therefore mistaken to see Irish women's problems as being the result of shortsightedness or laziness on the part of indiv— idual Dail Deputies. The opp— ression of women is a fundamen— tal rock upon which partitioned Irelandisbuilt. Thisexplains why women politiciansin the main, members of the conventional political parties whoes— pouse the cause of women, but look no deeper than that, inevit-— ably compromise women!sinterests. Gemma Hussey and NualaFennell, now members of Fine Gael, were two of the main figures behind the "Why not a Woman? "! campaign in the 1974 election. Fine Gael!'s Gemma Hussey!s performance as Senator hasbeen less than exem— plary and while she hasraised issues suchascriminal conver— sation and sexismin advertising, it has been purely in the context of "government bashing! for the sake of it and without any real attempts to organise women to fight for their ownrights.

Similarly, FiannaFail's Eileen Lemass, whohas voiced her own

HAH! CAPITULATING

AGAIN To THE creating theillusionthatitis actively pursuing the goal of national unity. Itis imperative that this contradiction shouldbe sharpened. Britishimperialism will concede the demands of the prisoners only ifitis faced with the prospect of itsFiannaFail prop crumbling andthe Southern state disintegrating beforeits eyes. TheL WR itself admits that ''the unity of FiannaFailisamajor necessity to maintain the stab-— ility of Free State institutions".

Surely if they were interested in bringing down the Southern state they would advocate direc— ting fire against this fragile unity.

JAMES CONWAY

integrate it into our under stan—ding of the denial of democratic rights of thelrishpeopleasa whole. Women in Peoples Democracy have attempted to do this and have been in the forefront of the fight to make the women!s move— ment see the link between the denial of their democraticrights as women and the denial of the democratic rights of all Irish people. One isnot subordinated to the other -itisclearly wrong to argue that ''we will have national liberationfirst, then we will think about women!s rights!'! as some members of Sinn Fein attempted to do at the Women!s Conference inBelfas.

on International Women's Day.

Our slogan must be ''wherever women are oppressed we must support them today'"!,

ROSE O!IMAHONY

criticisms of the contraception bill anditsrestrictionson single people and who opposed the lack of provision for marital rapein the newrape bill votedin favour of both pieces of legislation.

For women members of bourgeois parties, areal andclear choice is posed: either they accept the inevitable subordination of their interests asan oppressed sex to the class interests of the party or they break from the party in favour of independent political struggle in the interests of women. Most take the first option and this vin— dicates the strongly held view of socialists that classinterests Women in Peop!|es Democracy have attempted to do this and have been in the forefront of the fight to make the women!s move— ment see the link between the denial of their democraticrights as women and the denial of the democratic rights of alllrish people. One isnot subordinated to the other -itisclearly wrong to argue that "we will have national liberation first, then we will think about women!s rights'' as some members of Sinn Fein attempted to doat the Women!s Conference in Belfas.

on International Women!s Day.

Our slogan must be ''wherever women are oppressed we must support them today",

ROSE OIMAHONY

But their "bread andbutter"!

politics prevents them from drawing suchaconclusion. Rather than anoutright challenge toFiannaF ail and the Southern State, they demand that the H-BI ock/Ar magh campaign have an orientation towards "putting the removal of pro— imperialist agents fromthe labour movement at the heart of the battle", Tothe naive, this might soundvery left-wing and | socialist butitisin fact acomplete diversion -—itletsthosein command of the Southern state off the hook and aims fire only at their lieutenants, Even then they use blank ammo, spending their time issuing emp— ty callsfor "General Strike!

which was useless in the practical situation which confronted the cam-= paign. They inflate their own modest and confused efforts out of all proportion and attempt to masquerade abroad asleaders of the H-Block/Armagh campaign.

They don!t quite state thisin their journal, whichisfor Irish consumption, as they would be laughed off the field-— even then some of their more obscure for— mulations leave a bemused smile on the lips of many activists.

This and all the other windy rhetoric emanating from the WR is illustrative of their unique continuation of a guilty conscience about their past anti-republican economism and their total inab— ility tounder stand political reality. They have been hurling on the ditch for so long we suggest that the only sensible coursenowis to take a break and spend some time on the substitutes! bench where they might learn some— thing from the other players on the field.

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 7

Stop U.S. Genocide in El Salvador There can be fewpeople inireland who are unaware of thous— ands of workers andpeasants who have been murdered in El Salvador inthelast year anda half at the hands of the murder squads of the ruling military/ Christian Democratic junta.

These murder squads were also to blame for the murder of Catholic Archbishop Romero justa year ago. Fewregimes have been so widely discreditedin the eyes of worldopinion as that, headedby Napoleon Duarte, whichrulesin El Salvador. In spite of this the US governments of Carter and Reagan has steppedup aid, both military and economic. Coupled: with the increased aid, including military advisers, helicopters, arms andammunition, hasbeen an intensive propaganda campaign waged by the US-State Department aimed at proving that regime isamoderate(?), centre-right(?)

reforming (!4 ) Junta opposed by guerillas operating at 'Moscow!s!

behest withno support from the people inEl Salvador. (Even the US State Department can't claim any popular support inE! Salvador for the Junta soit pretends the people are against both guer— illas andJunta).

USKILLING POWER

US propaganda, however, has been totally discredited though for Salvadoran workers and peasants, the military aidcertainly has increased the Salvadoran army's killing power.

Green berets training the Salvadoran army in !'counter-insur— gency" techniques, helicopter gunship napalm type incendiary weapons - the parallels with Vietnamin the sixties are too striking to be easily dismissed. Reagan's defensiveness on the subject points to the emergence of the opp— Osition to war among American workers and youth asa force tobe reckoned with by US government planners. Already big demonstrations have taken place all over Central America, South America, the US, Canada and Europe particularly in West Germany.

Wages-from page 8 Variouscommentators have sug gested that there will not be another '!National Under standing!.

Many employers have already publicly stated arefusal tonegotiate a thirddeal. The trade union leaders should prepare for the ending of this wage deal withan independent centralised plan of campaign to secure adequate living standards for workers. They must not wait tobe sent away by employers with their collective 'tails between their legs'. Withdrawal from the Employer—Labour Conference a policing body for 'disruptive!

disputesis vital pre-condition for such acamp aign. Any break with centralised bargaining would bea mistake -the old 'return to freecollective bargaining! argumentis wearing abit thin. Many workers have long since recognised the need for acentralised defence of théir rights, and-are long frustrated withits absence, Fundamentally, the problems of the Irish economy need to be examinedinamore longterm and broader context by the Trade Union leadership. The implica— tions of imperialist domination need tobe spelledout clearly and aplan prepared to challenge them.

JOAN BRADY

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Rates for 12 issues: Ireland, England, Scotland Wales: £2. 60 £3.00 Europe: Canada, USA: $7.50 Elsewhere: £3.50 Connolly Bookshop, Avoca Park, _Andersonstown, Belfast. These demonstrations underline the political weakness of imperialismparticularly of USimperialism since its defeat in Vietnam, a weakness that has been in— creasedby therevolutionsin Nicaragua andIiran. Moreover, continuing struggles of US and European workers and youth against austerity, nuclear power, etc adds toimperialism!'s problems and makes defeat of working people and war preparations more difficult. Thisisthe context in whichUSimperialism's stepped up propaganda takesplace. By trying to whipup an anti communist crusade, the USrulers through Reagan are hoping to free their hands to deal with troublesome workers at home and abroad, Hence the big slander campaigns against Cuba andNicaragua.

Washington has al so made some openly belligerent moves against these tworevolutions. Afewexamples are: the establishment of a Rapid Deployment Force for intervention in the Caribbean by Jimmy Carter last year after an artificial hysteria about anew “Soviet combat brigade!! that had been in Cuba for seventeen years; the provocation of the US stage—managed emigration from Maried Bay after the UShad cut off travel facilities from Cuba to the US for many years; recently, threats from Secretary of State General Haig about a complete blockade of Cuba. And these are just against Cuba. The UShave also moved against Nicaragua: they have cut off supp— lies of wheat to Nicaragua, which will cause hunger, they have steppedup slanders of human rights violationsin concert with right-wingers in Nicaragua, this in spite of the fact that the Inter- American Commission on Human Rights (CIDH) singled out the Sandinista government in Nicaragua for praise of its consistent commitment tohuman rights atits third conference in February 1981. The intervention by the USin El Salvador #9 public knowledge but what!s not public knowledge is that even some of the long term strategists are worried. Last TORUN is a town of 230, 000 people. 200 kilometres to the South of Gdansk. Recently, its.

prestige has madeit of interest to all of Poland. Solidarity supp-— orters throughout Poland speak of the Torun Inter—Factory Strike Committee (MKZ) with great admiration andrespect, Pierre Caen went to Torun for the Fourth International's journal INPRECOR, The TorunMKZ militants took him to the Towimor industrial region, 'the soul of the movement!, It wasina factory which makes machinery for the naval dockyards that the strikes last August began. A strike committe was setup. For once Communist Party militants were inthelead. Then the wind of Solidarity blew through the party. Pierre Caen met CP militants inside the party officesin their Towimor factory, Inparticular he spoke to Zbigniew Ivanow, the best known oppos-— ition militant of the CP, What happened in the Communist Party within the factory?

It began with the strike. Most party militantsin our factory, Towinor, were for the strike.

Some were on the strike committee. Stanichevsky was our delegate to Gdansk. After the strike, we soonrealisedthat Solidarity wasa safeguard for the people, Later we had to split from Solidarity because the constitution of Solidarity says that people who hold party pcsts cannot hold responsibilitiesin Solidarity.

Itisnot possible to have two major positions and todo them both well. Despite all that, we did everything to help our MKZ comrades because weare stil] member s of Solidarity. November, aDissent Paper was published by a minority of State Dept. advisers who held out the view that Jimmy Carter's policies wilfully underestimated the level of popular support for the FM_N= FDR guerilla opposition front in El Salvador and voiced the opin— jon that all the US government's policies were leading in the direction of US military involve— ment inEI! Salvador.

GUERILLA SUPPORT

A further propaganda weapon usedby the USrulers had been the big scandal raised about the alleged supply of weapons from Cuba, Nicaragua and Vietnam and EestemEurope to the Guerillafighters. The FMLN have stated that they get their weapons on the international arms market including black market sources inthe USitself. The imperialist propaganda has begun to look decidedly hollow due to the fail— ure of the Salvadoran army which claims tohave captured large amounts of weapons from the FMLN to come up with any significant amount of Cuban, Vietnam— ese or East European made weap— ons. Evenhollower ‘hasbeen the claim that there isno popular support for the FMLN and FDR.

In spite of some weariness among the petty bourgeoisie, international observers and journalists have reported that the revolut— ionary forces enjoy ahighllevel of support not only in the country— side, butalsointhecities. For example, the general strike called for in the January 10 general offensive was answered best among public service employees, in spite of the level of repression and violence meted out against them.

POLISH WORKER SPEAKS

We saw, very quickly, that the changes we had instigated in our party were insufficient. Thus we sought contacts with like— minded members of other party organisations. The quickest response came fromthe party at the University. Now we have 32 organisations inthe commission. Ithasno leader. Thereisa weekly meet— ing. Each time somebody else chairs to avoid one person dominating. All documents drawn up by the commission are circularised in the rank and file party organisations where they are debated to see if they meet with approval. We are workers, not diplomats, we do not mince our words in the meetings. When we think: some— one isa thief or a gangster we say so. The people who donot want aregeneration of the party listen without pleasure because they arenotusedtoit. They think we should always applaud theFirst Secretary's speeches without questioningifitisright. They would not shout in the hall that heisanidiot or thathetellslies.

It was over these problems of manner and not of substance that they expelled me from the party -it wasabitlike the Inquisition.

One Sunday, | wastold that!

must attend a meeting on Monday, On the Monday they expelled me, and on the same day the factory organisationrejectedit. Hence 1 am the only party sec retary whoisnotin the party!

Of course 1 appealedin writing butitis three months later and still noreply -itis true the commission must have lots of work to expel other militants who are bigger fish than me} Today the parséy control commiss— ionis coming to discussmy case (laughter). Itisaploy to win time because this commission can can do nothing toreverse the decision. Itisplaying for time.

lam doingnothingelse. Just continuing my work. ee ee HOW can you inipose democratic elections atall levels before the congress? In the present party rules there are several points which are undemocratic and we want them changed, Thenumber of candidatesislimited— that cannot continue. Votescan be manipulated because everybody isnot adele— gate. Here, inour discussions, we have gone still further. We think that the party authorities at all levels shouldbe elected dy direct suffrage. For example, ina party meeting to elect a secretary there would be several candidates, each outlines their programme and finally there is aknowledgeable vote. Everybody, by voting for his or her candidate, would feel responsible for the candidate of his or her choice, Also we have considered the role of the party. Until nowour party has playedarole that it shouldnot not have: it doubles with the func— tions of the state (administration, police). Thatis why we think that this duplication of state apparatus in all fields of the party apparatus, this bureaucracy, hasto disappear.

The UShas been similarly un— successful in trying to give any stability to the military/Christian Democratic junta. Tension between Duarte, the President and Defence Minister Jose Guill—ermo Garcia, whois supported by the elite office corpsis mounting. Meanwhile Major Roberto D!Aub— uisson, widely believed to head the death squads, who advocates amilitary coup, hasreturnedto El Salvador. The junta's much vaunted ''moderni sing reforms!!

' have been shown to bea farce.

The |landreform which was supposed to win the support of the peasants has just provided the death squads of ORDEN witha way of getting at the peasants.

Moreover, opposition fromthe really biglandowners and coffee growers has forced postponement of further landreforms for five toten years. Inthe faceofa flight of capital, the Salvadoran economy isan the verge of coll— apse. In spite of ahastily applied coat of "reform!! paint, the junta looks even worse than ever as the cracks show through. YetUS support continues. According to Defense Minister Garcia, without the support from the US during the last guerilla, offensive, the junta couldnot have heldout. Thatreally says itall. International solidarity is vital. In Ireland Bishop Casey pointed to US support for the juntaas reason enough for the Irish gov— ernment to break off diplomatic relations withthe US. We agree.

What do you bet Gene Fitzgerald didn't mention El Salvador when Reagan wasclaiminglrelandas part of the ''Western Alliance"!

on St Patrick'sDay. TheFianna Fail Government could make up for this by condemning US supp-) ort for the junta. The Irish labour movement hasa vital role toplay in forcing the government to act.

NO GUNSFOR THE KILLER

JUNTA!

VICTORY TO THE FMLN-FDR!

CIARAN MACNAMIDHE

We must also consider the role of the CP in the factory and what it shouldbe, Itmustbeaforce making positive proposalson all the problems andnotaninsti — ument of government. | would like a party like that in our coun— try. Tojointhis party one should wait a year or twoinorder to show what you can do, toget some quality not quantity.

YOU have spoken about self— management in the factories but how do you envisage it in society asa whole so that the workers really decide? Now, you say that the factories belongtous, Nottrue, They are in the hands of the government.

The governmentisledby avery limited group — not even all the political bureau of the party — but only afewof them, Itis they whodecide. Society hasno influence andit bears the consequences of their decisions.

That is why we want et make this reform as quickly aspossible, How to achieve thisreform? To cleanup Poland... | think that the factories must have greater autonomy and the ultimate aimIs tolet the workers decide. | seethatasa series of councils ofall the workers from all partsofthe factory. They couldnot be bought. Other wise the one with more money would win. The workers would decide how to to develop the factory, howto share things, howtorecruit, that would be areform of all the fac-— tory administration, At this moment the interviewends as the party control commission arrivesin the party offices at the factory. Theparty control com— mission upheld lvanow!s expul— sion from the party.

POBLACHT SHOISIALACH

sei SOCIALIST REPUBLIC Paper of PEOPLES’ DEMOCRACY THE PEOPLES DEMOCRACY bases itself on the following points: We agree that the central political question for the Irish people is the political, economic and military domination of Ireland by imperialism and that the central task for the the Irish revolution is the solution of the national question through the ending of partition and achievement of political and economic indspendence. We are united in our rejection of the claim that any lasting solution to the oppression of the Irish people can be found within a 6 county framework, and in our rejection of any "right" of the Loyalist minority to continue partition, AS Marxists we believe that the capitalist state must be smashed and replaced by a workers! state and that only the organised wor- Noto T

NO TO

When the United States of America inspired the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organiz— ation (NATO) after World War 2, itaskedall Western European countries to join thisnew military alliance directed against the Soviet Union anditsalliesin Eastern Europe. The Dublin government declined the invitation for one decisive reason: it didnot want Britain to have the right to station troops South of the border - John Bull was doing far too much damage in the North already. Thisobstacle is as mucha factor today asit wasin the 1940's and 1950!s. So why should there be any discussion of a change in policy?

HAUGHEY-THAT CHER TALKS

Todate, it appears to have been one of the topics discussed at the Haughey-Thatcher 'summit!in DublinlastDecember. Thishistoric! meetingis still cloudedin secrecy, but someone in the British government decided it wouldbe useful toleak the story.

Asaresult attention was com— pletely focussed in the South of Irelandon the contradictionsin the Dublin government's policy onneutrality, andaway from the threat of lanPaisley. The British government was able to take some pressure off itself temporarily. Up to then hapless Humphrey Atkins, Thatcher's Secretary of State for the North of Ireland, was caught between lan Paisley's campaign against the 'Haughey- Thatcher? sell-out! and the Dublin government's hints and innuendoes that it had convinced Westminster toat least serious— ly consider the ending of partition. British denials were not convincing since they didnot state that Haughey wasaliar. A similar clearcut statement about Thatcher was avoidedin Dublin. Hence the only possible conclusion could be that there was some sort of cover up.

BRITAIN'SNEWTACTICS

The question which arisesnext then is: why didn't either Haughey or Thatcher call! each other liars?

Clearly, sucha step wouldhave led to an abrupt end of the direct involvement of the Dublin government in Britain's latest political moves in the North of Ireland.

But more to the point, recent king class can provide the motive force for doing this. We believe that a crucial area of capitalist oppression is women, and this is especially so in Ireland, given the history of clerical power here, Women are oppressed as a sex and even a successful rev— olution will not automatically guarantee the elimination of this oppression. For this reason, we unconditionally support the right of women to organise independently to fight for their emancipation, As Marxists, we believe that the working class has the ability to successfully challenge and defeat imperialism. It produces the wealth of society without being able to control or distribute it. It is potentially stronger than any other other class because of its ability to organise on amass base, combining its economic strength and atcher experience has taught the British that direct attacks on the political integrity of the Dublin government can be counter—productive.

This was the tactic employed after the Mountbatten killing, and the deaths of 20 paratroopers in Warrenpoint in August 1979.

JacklLynch was pilloriedin the racist Britishpress, and then given an insulting dressing down during three hours of talks right after Mountbatten was dispatched to earth. Lymch duly capitulated, but then foundhimself tobe an easy target for resentment within the Fianna Fail party for failing to pin any responsibility for what had happenedon the political short— comings of the Britishin the Six Counties. Asaresult, Charlie Haughey became Taoiseach, and the credibility of nationalist/ republican politics among the Southern population was enhenced, PerhapsHaughey too would capitulate openly likelLynch if publicly confronted by the British; but evenin this unlikely event, is there any guarantee that a similar 'republican! backlash woul dnot occur?

HAUGHEY'S CONTRADICTIONS

If we look at things this way, we see Britain recognizing that Charlie Haughey diverts doubts about the desirability of British interference in Irelandaway from the field of practical action andinto the realms of unfulfilled hopes. Ifitis toorisky to attack these hopes, why not play upon their contradictions? And there is one very obvious contradiction in Haughey!'s policy: the idea that British interference inlreland stems froma '!mistaken policy! rather than a determined effort to defenditsimperialist interests. Haughey!'s approach suggests there wouldbeno threat to the interests of the British ruling classiflreland was united 'Ipeacefully! asa capitalist country friendly with the so-called United Kingdom,

THE NUCLEAR WAR MONGERS

This stance hasno practical credibility. Britain's policy inlreland isnotanaberration, ablack spot in an other wise lily-—white sheet of « paper. Thatcher makes war against Ireland and against oppressed people the world over.

She enthusiastically backs the NATO alliance. At the moment, this aggressive military form-— ation, at the instigation ofits its strength of numbers. We accept that workers have the right to defend themselves against imperialism. However, we do not accept the ideology of militarism -the belief that armed groups can substitute themselves far the masses and win freedom for them, We believe in the building of an organised and experienced leadership, in a Marxist party based on the Leninist theory of party organisation: the central feature of which is democratic centralism. The organisation is internationalist. It commits itself to holding an organised discussion with representatives of the Fourth Inter- National on the question of affiliation to the Fl. Members of the organisation may hold individual membership of the Fl.

creator the USA, issteppingup the Nuclear ArmsRace. Allegedly, this is because of the Soviet threat. Butnot only the USSRis its target - soalsoisthe Western European working class. Its leading strategists like Sir John Hackett admit this frankly: in their view, the next World War will be alimitednuclear war in Europe. And what are they afraid of?

They fear the reluctance of the European working class to become sacrificial guinea pigs for UsAimperialism. Asrecent disclosures of NATO military plans have shown, these war—mongers would destroy several major Western European citiesrather than let thembe ''occupied!"' by the USSRarmy. AndIireland? They expect Dublin and Belfast tobe razed to the ground. And these war-—mongers, !edby RonaldRay-guns (Charlie and John Hume of the SDLP claim he is our friend!) want countries like Ireland to offer themselves up as victimsin anuclear holocaust. The answer we give back to them has tobe clear: we don't want NATO because we don't want Imperialism running our country!

JOHN MEEHAN

Below we publisha short interview withFergus O!Hare of the National H-Block/Armagh comm-— Committee, activist in thelrish National Teachers! Organisat— ion and member of People!sDem-— ocracy. DURING the last hunger strike, a Workers! Day of Action was called, What happened on that day - did many workersrespond to thatcall? Most involvedin this area of the campaign would consider the Day to be fairly successful. Theres-— ponse wasvery solidin several areas -especially inthe six counties. For example, inBelfast, there was the biggest iurnout ever at a trade union/workers!

march when several thousand workers left their jobsto protest for the prisoners. Derry also was a huge success, some est— imated the numbers to be over 10, 000 people, The above isamore apt title for the last wage deal negotiated by the 1C TU with the Fianna Fail government and southern employers. A wage deal which despite frantic efforts by C.J, Haughey during the negotiations to ensure some agreement now seemstobe falling apart. The second phase of the NU isnow under threat for thousands of workers. Many have been told they will not be receiving it.

The FUE were first to the lifeboat with cries of universal ljnability topay!. Dire threats of loss of jobs have been issued to workersresi sting such robbery. Suchmajor semi-State employersasAer Lingus and CIE, declaredunwillingness to pay the second phase, but appear to have backed off in the face of threats of industrial action from determined and angry workers. The deal secured--8%+7% ‘and compensation if the CPI rose above 10%, hasbeen hit hardby massiveinflation, Itisnow running at the rate of 21% and the CPI rose by 6%. Once the figures became known, the 1|CTU immediately argued for compensation on top of the 7% -—- the employers are refusing both. The financial crisis within the economy, massive inflation, huge foreign borrowing and risingunemploymeni are factors many workers are aware of, Periods of recession have alwaystendedtocurb the confidence of anxious workers. Huge job losses, factory closures, short-time working, selective and extensive redundancies hang over their daily lives.

H Block Armagh-All Out WAS there support in the 26 Cols?

Oh yes, the Day of Action was or— ganised for on anall Ireland basis. Working support was expressedin many of the 32 countiesin Cork, Drogheda and Dundalk, Waterford, Letterkenny, Tyrone, Wicklow, Dublin tomentiona few. On theAlcan site in Limerick, probably the single biggest industrial employment, over 500 workers walked out, | Other factories, building sites, . Offices, etc sent telegrams and held lunchtime meetings. It cer- | tainly made the hard work and effort worthit. Although, obviously thisresponse was only an inkling of what ispossible to build over a period of time.

WE arenow into a second Hunger Strike and another Workers! Day of Action has been called for on April 15th, What are the chances of success? The confusion affecting therest of the campaign around the ending of the last Hunger Strike has affected trade union and workers!

supportalso,. The same prob— lemsbeset work in this area, our assessment of April 15th must be very realistic — there arelimited possibilities. We will probably see a bigger res-— ponse inthe six counties. South-— ern workers who arenot asimmediately affected by the repress— ion fall prey to the pro-imperialist attacks on the campaign from the likes of Paddy Devlinet al. Wehave to fight back for workers! hearts and minds withclear So LASTLY Fergus, what type of However it would appear that some signs of resistance are emerging. Possibly with the memory of the 74recession and their experiences, some workers in slowly growing numbers are fighting back. This 'fightback!

spiritis emergingintwo distinct ways: -- thenumber of workers who (though mainly in the stronger, highly organised sectors) are notprepared toforfeit the second phase and who are prepared to take industrial action -- thenumber of workers who areresisting closures and redundancies —--egthe Talbot workers, Alcan site, and Limerick fitters, Ross& Co shipyard workers, to mention afew. Their actions have taken the form of sit-ins to full— scale occupations. The demands have been sometimes limited, ie seeking more adequate compen— sation for unemployment or pay— ment of wages etc due. Nevertheless, the willingness to engage in struggle and the lessons learned, harden out a wider and wider layer of militant workers, Also central to the change in scenario, during the recession, is the tacit support of the trade union leaders. Many, possibly motivated by party political hos— tility to the present government are offering strident if somewhat empty resistance to employers and government alike. But even words can spur on the working class to fightback. The bureaucrats can well remember the ravaging effect on active, dues paying members during the last recession and how !shaky! union finances became. Most will simply be cautious of being outflanked or pushed aside by their member— ship. 2 ++ Contdon page 7 political explanations of whatis goingon. The candidacy of Bobby Sands in the Fermanagh By- Election givesus a good oppor-= tunity to pose again the immediacy of the situation and convince worker s of the need to support the prisoners. HAS the last mobilisation among workers provided the campaign with new links or roots? Quite definitely, there arenow (in the six counties) action groups in workplaces. Tradeunion work, ié approaching local factories, isnowbeing takenup by local action groups much more system— atically. action can workers take on April 15th? Activists lobbying workplaces should be seeking acommitment from those workers to take some form of solidarity action, Any— thing from the sending of tele— grams, lunchtime meetings, to the possibility of one hour, half day or full stoppages shouldbe sought. If workersare stopping, they should march toa central point (to meet up with other workers) andholda short public rally. Thepressand H-Block campaign should be i nformed of any action taken, If the Britishrefuse to concede andthe hunger strike continues, we will be fighting for further workers! action on April 22nd,

MRIS RIE

Send telegrams to: Margaret Thatcher, 10 Downing St, London. C, J. Haughey, Leinster House, Dublin 2. Your Trade Union Head Office,