Socialist Republic: Vol. 4 no. 4, 1981

ag x POBLACHT SHOISIALACH nd

HUNGER STRIKE NATIONAL BULLETIN

#e) SOCIALIST REPUBLIC VOL.24 No.4 Paper of PEOPLES’ DEMOCRACY Let the Unity and Anger of the Irish People be Shown Responsibility for the death of Bobby Sands MP and Francis Hughes rests entirely with the British Government. The cruel intransigence of Thatcher and Atkins, their rejection of national anc international opinion represents a calculated insult to the whole of the Irish people.

and demonstrates the racist con contempt in which the British ruling class holds the people of this country. In extending our sorrowing condolence to the family and comrades of Bobby Sands and Francis Hughes, Peoples Democracy wishes to assure them of the fact that they do not mounmn alone: the people of Ireland and al!

those who have known oppression by an imperial power are with them in this dark hour, Bobby Sands and Francis Hughes are not the first martyrs of the Irish struggle for

MAKE THE BRITISH CONCEDE!

freedom and national independence, Their deaths, like those that went before them, do not humiliate or cower the resistance of the Irish people as our enemies hope but rather inspire us all to greater efforts to bring to a final end the struggle for the five just demands of the political prisoners. In the immediate days ahead, we must turn our efforts to- _wards saving the lives of the other hunger strikers who are continuing with courage the fight for the five demands, There is not a single responsible voice in Ireland that denies the justice of these demands, The unity of the Irish people which we began to build during the last few months must now be completed. Fianna Fail and the SDLP must bow to the demands of the nationalist people of Ireland, The British ambassador in Dublin must be sent home, All talks with the British government must be ended, All representatives of the nationalist people must withdraw from British government institutions, All collaboration’ to safeguard the border must be ended, Britain's murder of Bobby Sands and Francis Hughs represents a declaration of war against the Irish people. We must respond to this in a united and disciplined manner. Our strateaqyvy must be that of mass peaceful protests and, most importantly, industrial action against British firms and products, eS Haughey Silent as Thatcher Murders Britain will increasingly be seen as the real criminal. We shall have political status for our political prisoners. We shall smash the H-Blocks.

Victory to the Hunger Strikers] March On Dublin! Prisoners

RUT

A march on Dublin to demand the the end of the Anglo Irish talks as Irish political prisoners lay dying In British prisons, has been called. This is a major chance to put the blame for the death of Bobby Sands and Francis Hughes squarely on the shoulders of Charles Haughey.

Such a call must not be wasted but built. This march must be systematically prepared for in every town and village in the 32 counties, It provides a national political focus around which the whole of the Irish people and the campaign can unite, OK CHARLIE, AS LONG AS You KEEP YOuR MOUTH suut THe

RELATIONSHIP CAH CONTINUE

— Each major Southern urban area should organise delegations , from Cork, Limerick, Kerry, Wexford, Waterford to converge on Dublin and Leinster House, The Northern contingent will pass through Dundalk, Drogheda and these are areas which initiated massive industrial action in response to Bobby Sands death. The march can provide a focus for further more wide— spread workers! action,and stoppages to greet the march on route should be organised.

All local and regional forces who support the five demands should be brought onto the streets to meet the march on its way to Dublin,

A new PD pamphlet Is In preparation. Titled "Enemy of the prisoners — Enemy of the people", It is launched to explain the context of Gerry Fitt!s attacks on the hunger strikers, Fitt!s latest political headstand Is not the only topic dealt with by the pamphiet. HIs career Is used for a study of the polltics of reformism In the context of the N. 1. statelet, In the present situation of the H Block/Armagh movement It Is crucial that actlvists have a clear understanding of what to expect from the "professional" or 'constitutional! politicians who clalm to represent the minority community In the North. The pamhlet attempts to give the necessary background for such an understanding of the Fitts and Deviins of this world, We pick on Fitt because he Is the most prominent parasite to backstab the prisoners and because his career coincides fairly well with the period of ‘stabilisation! of the N.1. state from the end of the 2nd World War to the beginning of the Troubles! up to the present.

The basic question we must ask is this: Fitt, in the mid-sixties, demanded the release of IRA prisoners because they were political — so how is it that he now condemns them on behalf of the state? From the evidence we have accumulated we can state that there are two characteristics which can explain Fitt!'s hypocrisy. 1)‘Heisa reformist and 2) he is an opportunist.

PART ONE

Fitt!'s career began during the postwar boom of the late '40s.

His career since then coincides with a significant trend In Irish politicswhich began with the decline of the right wing Nationalist Party. It!s replacement as the !constI tutional opposition!

In the North was by various strands identifying with the ‘labour! movement. i weer "0 comets form Nor eety serve my ume Tt me ene make lreland 1 : wd Years el fie

NEW PAMPHLET —

EXPOSES GERRY BRIT

The first historical period dealt with therefore stretches from the late '40s to 1966. The gains made for labour were transient with the working class crippled and divided by partition. Split Into 'Loyalist! and "Irish! Labour camps the former declined Into insignificance while the latter grew in size and influence, The way forward :

TAKE CAMPAIGN

TO CONSTITUENCIES

wr ammnma 10 WORKERS The question facing us all Is "What do we do now?7"!, Ths immediate priority is to palicly show our sorrow at the death of Bobby Sands and Francis Hughes and our solidarity eth the remaining 3 hunger strik@ps.

IN THE NORTH

On the streets, local H Blogs Committees can organise rag blockings and mass pickets ef barracks. These activities must be charactarised by diglpline and unity. They must be used to involve as many people as possible in active oppositian to the British through democratic organisation, There is the probability of RUC and army raids on the districts to round up local activists. We can prevent this by barricading off side streets and ensuring that personnel are there to defend them at all times. This will not only provide effective protection for campaign activists but gave a necessary alternative activity for our youth to Involve themselves in, as Opposed to the

TO YOUTH

present unco-ordinated rioting.

In the past, bin lid bashing has proved a good militant response to Incursions of any "free areas!!!

that we set up, Throughout this campaign we have pressurised the SDLP to take a positive stand on the 5 demands. We must demand that the local councillors come off the councils till the political status issue is resolved. Pressure can be stepped up through picketing SOLP Head Quarters.

On a wider plane the electors of Fermanagh/South Tyrone should organise a mass petition calling for another by-election for Bobby Sands! seat and then stand another hunger striker which will allow us the opportunity to consolidate the original victory and further isolate the SDiLP leadership and discredit the British and Irish governments.

LABOUR MOVEMENT

The trade unions must put teeth into the numerous resolutions passed in sUppért of the prisoners. They have a grave This latter trend was typified by Fitt who, whilst proclaiming himself a 'Connolly Socialist!, set off on a career based unconditionally on the apparatus of partition. Fitt's stance required that he pay IIp service to his Nationalist electorate. It led him to set up the Republican responsability to provide leadership to thousands of workers to organise against British intransigence. But we should not wait for the leaders, Movement to take direct industrial action will push the leaders forward. We should activate a strategy of rank and file pressure aimed at Union leaders and Union Headquarters...

Already, appeals to the international labour movement to take industrial action against British concerns have met with a good response eg. the blacking of British ships. This action coupled with similar moves in Ireland could present the British with serious problems.

IN THE SOUTH

A crucial battle will be to end the Anglo/Irish talks and Free State collaboration on the Border. Charles Haughey had the power to save Bobby Sands and Francis Hughes but refused to use it. An all- Ireland demonstration can be organised to march on Dublin with the demand that the Fianna Fail government either take decisive action on the Hunger Strike or resign} The question has to be put to every Irish citizen, ''Do you support the prisoners or the British government", Our activities should be organised to allow massive involvement. Rioting in Dublin streets could frighten people away. We need not only to show our anger but to win, Therefore, contin- -uing the plans as laid down at the Belfast conference — press~ ure on the roots of Fianna Fail by taking the issue into the constituencies Is as vital as preparing mass Industrial Action, We can win this campaign. We can save the lives of the remaining Hunger Strikers. We must prove both to ourselves as well as to the British that we are not beaten and are prepared.to fight on till we win.

Labour Party at Stormont. One of the first actions of this party was to demand the unconditional release of IRA prisoners. This was on the grounds that they were, in Fitt's words, political.

Fitt should be forced to state the difference between these prisoners and the ones that now languish in the H Blocks and Armagh, In 1964 Fitt was elected to the British parliament in Westminster and began his hobby of attempting to woo the parliamentary labour party. This was obviously the beginning of Fitt's reliance on the most backward traditions of the British Labour Movement.

Since Fitt relied on the most backward traditions of the Irish Labour Movement they obviously "complemented each other.

PART TWO

1967 saw the beginning of the Civil Rights Movement. Fitt saw the bandwagon, potential almost Immediately but soon found himself out of his depth. The growth of the mass movement led to challenging the whole basis of the Northern Statelet and this did not suit the reformists at all. Civil Rights demos being attacked by the police, defence committees, baricades, gunrunning were just not their scene at al!. What could they do to get the thing back on the rails and the state back Into the old familiar shape they were used to.

Fitt, Deviin and other self styled 'socialists! pushed the panic button and joined with Hume, Curry etc to form the SDLP.

The sole purpose of the party was to appear to be a credible spoksperson for the wishes of the Nationalist population while doing their best to maintain partition. It was a blatent act of opportunism. The Nationalist population were led down a blind ally of attempting to reform the sick N.1, State. This was to pay bitter dividends.

PART THREE

The Sunningdale agreement was the big pay off to the SDLP for

A PEOPLES

PAMPHLET

Why are the H/Block Armagh prisoners "prisoners of part— ition"? "They are In jall because of the mass political convulsion that has challenged imperiallst rule in Ireland over the past twelve years", The understanding of the role of the prisoners and of the impof criminalisation is-crucial Prisoners of Partition lt ortarice to Thatcher of the policy doing the work of the Imperialists, The SDLP slogan of !'Power Sharing! meant jobs for them and the pretence at re=structur— ing the six counties to give jobs to the Catholic middie class, Even this was too much for the Loyalists however, so the Sunningdale agreement collapsed just like Stormont before it.

The SDLP's true nature was shown however when they broke the Rent and Rates boycott by imposing the payment for Debts act which imposed immense hardship on the catholic population,

PART FOUR

After the collapse of Sunningdale Fitt found less and less use for the SDLP whose whole existence came into question, Fitt also disliked having to share the limelight with John Hume and came more and more into conflict with the parties rural nationalist base. Instead of hanging around to be washed out with the rest of the SDLP Fitt decided to retire to the cosy environs of Westminster. His repeated denounciation of the prisoners, although sickening here, would be calculated to go down well in the Commons (and the Lords perhaps?)

The pamphlet concludes with a section on why the working class should keep the Fitts of this world at arms length, He is not, of course, the only one — there are appendices on Paddy Devlin and the 'Workers! Party. In the end the only strategy which will win through for the working class Is self reliance. Those who claim to lead must be tested to the utmost and challenged when they step out of line. So how can we apply the lessons in the pamhlet to the present struggle. One way of doing itis to buy this pamhlet and remember it's message: Trust no one: rely on your own strength.

MICHAEL, WOODS

DUMP FITT

DITCH DEVLIN

DEMOCRACY

40p This pamphlet contributes to that understanding and shows how we can avoid repeating mistakes made in the past. for revolutionaries. "Prisoners of Partition" Is avail -able from sellers of Socialist Republic, or from 38 Clanawley Rd., Killester, Dublin, (50p.

inc. post ).

Peoples Democracy is standing candidates in the Local Government Elections as a way of build- Ing a militant fight back against Imperialist rule In Ireland at a time when that rule has entered anew and more acute crisis.

We no longer believe that boy— cotting elections is a useful or appropriate answer to British attacks. There are no mass street committees or resistance councils. A boycott would be a call to voters to abstain from action and would allow the enemies of the prisoners to retain their seats. In the elections we want to demonstrate massive popular opposition to British rule and expose those who are effectively supporting that rule.

The crisis of British rule is shown by the hunger strike campaign. They are prepared to go to any lengths and bring any amount of suffering and death down on our community rather than concede the simple and legitimate demands of the prisoners At the same time they allow Paisley and the UDA to organise without restriction, They have learnt nothing from ten years of struggle and their policy is still the use of force to preserve partiton and all the injustice and repression that flows from it.

The record of British economic domination is just as sordid, A sky-high cost of living is linked to low wage levels, constant unemployment and inadequate .

social services. And the screw is ' wound even tighter by the Infamous "Payments of Debts "Act. Now we are being asked to pay for an international crisis of capitalism, with unemployment at 50% in some areas and the dismantling of social services while massive handouts are given to multinational firms. We need to organise a fightback against both political and economic oppression, We see the first step as challanging people like Gerry Fitt and Paddy Devlin who are supporting British policy and usiiig the name of socialism to do so. They and the Republican clubs claim to stand in the tradition of Connolly's socialism yet they oppose organising to support the political prisoners and oppose partition. Their solution to the crisis of Britain's economic rule is-more money for the multinationals. This ignores the fact that the money Few of the reactions to the death of Bobby Sands can have been as scandalous as that of the leader of the British Labour Party, Michael Foot. At Westminster he gave full support to the intransigent position of the Tory Government, repeating almost word for word the arguments put forward by Paisley on BBC radio earlier in the morning. When Foot was elected to the leadership of the Parliamentary Labour Party the capitalist press ranted and raved about his "extreme socialism". Foot however has proved himself a staunch supporter of imperialist oppression in Ireland while being ready to denounce repression in El Salvador, the Soviet Union and elsewhere.

Foot!s snivelling support for Thatcher was matched only by thesilence of the Labour left.

It was left to right wing Labour MP, Patrick Duffy, to place responsibility for Bobby Sands death squarely on the shoulders of Thatcher's Government. The British left must make the breaking of this 'bipartisan policy! its main aim, Kenneth Livingstone, the recently elected chairperson of the Greater London Council, British Labour’s

FERGUS O'HARE

comes from cuts in social services and that the multinationals!

profits actually weaken the Irish economy rather than strengthen it. The milk and water nationalists of the SDLP are no better, They spawned Fitt and Devlin, and their ambiguity on the hunger strike helped strengthen British oppression. A first step in orgainsing to defend ourselves is to repudiate them at the polls and show that they do not represent us.

TONY BENN

has fired the first shots in one battle to end the collaboration— ist bipartisan approach of the British Labour Party with Thatcher's policy for the 6 counties. Supporting the 5 demands of the prisoners, he compared the artificial state of the North of Ireland toa supposed solution in Zimbabwe which would set up an independent white state around Salis-— buy with an artificial white majority and Western financing. There is no doubt that there is a political war going on in the 6 counties, he said, and that JOHN McANULTY

PEOPLES DEMOCRACY-

OUR HISTORY,

Ever since its inception in 1968 as part of the Civil Rights Movement PD has constantly involved itself in the struggles of the working class. From behind the barricades in 1969 in the resistance to internment and the Stormont regime, in the Northern Resistance movement and the Political Hostages hame the role of the British army is not as peace keepers but as defenders of Loyalism. Predicting an overthrow of Michael Foot!s 'me, too!! policy at the next Labour Party conference, he compared Thatcher's views on the North to those of her historical predecessor, Oliver Cromwell. Another British politician who has made a statement on the 6 Counties is Tony Benn, the leader of the left wing inside the Labour Party. He has stated that he is in favour of British withdrawal from the 6 Counties although he was short on the specifics of how he is going to fight for this within the British Labour Movement. The only consistent way he can do it is to start by calling on the Labour Party to support the 5 demands of the prisoners, Benn admits that partitionis a crime against the Irish people, H Block is the perpetuation of that crime against Ireland.

Support for the prisoners in it is the onlv first step possible for those who want the Brits out of Ireland, British Socialists must redouble their efforts to end the British Labour Party!s servile collaboration with Thatcher — the common enemy of the Irish and British working class.

PEOPLES DEMOGRAGY MANIFESTO

DUMP FIT T

Ditch Devlin Release committee to the present struggle for the five demands of the prisoners, we have striven to build a mass movement on the streets and in the factories that would finally defeat the British. We began to organise around the question of politiical status in February 1976, when the British first began their offensive against the prisoners, We see our intervention in the elections as a continuation of that history of struggle.

THE HUNGER STRIKE and

PARTITION,

We unreservedly support the demands of the prisoners and hold the British responsible for the crisis and we believe that this struggle involves a challange to the whole mass of the Irish people . The British are attacking not only the rights of the prisoners but also all democratic rights. They are trying to establish the Diplock Courts, the special laws, the bias towards Loyalism in the courts and state forces beyond criticism and dispute. In other words they are trying to legiti-mise partition and smash the anti-partitionist case. We are fighting for a mass united movement in all 32 counties to resist this process. UNEMPLOYMENT and the

CUTS.

If we need to resist political oppression we also need to resist economic oppression.

aim to organise in the areas among the unemployed and in the Trade Unions around this simple slogan 'Welre not to blame" -that we will simply not accept the cuts and the idea that we should pay for Capitalism!s mistakes and that we must aim to force the British to retreat from their attacks on employment, wages, social services housing and education, We We are out to build a united workers movement against imperialism. We oppose the spurious unity of the trade union leadership, built on passive support for partition. We want workers to unite in a struggle which will take as its first task the defence of democratic rights and opposition to sectarianism and discrimination in favour of the oppressed —- for example one third of all jobs in industry

WORKERS’

ACTION

Some successes have been scored in bringing workers into active solidarity action with the Hunger Strikers. Work stoppages on the Day of Mour-— ning for Bobby Sands were fairly widespread. The impact of mass response in the North brings home very sharply in the South the growing alienation of the Northern community.

We must build on this impact and the mobilisation of antiunionist workers. Northern delegations should lobby key Southern workers for solidar— ity action, The major and central focus should be the trans— port workers: dockers, road and rail workers. Particular emphasis must be placed on direct action against British goods by the blacking of their movement into the country. should be set aside as a quota for Catholic workers, and massive emergency funds set aside for those areas suffering the greatest deprivation,

WOMEN

Catholics as a group aren't the only victims of discrimination in our society. The redundancies hit women workers worst.

They are asked to bear the brunt of the cutbacks In the family.

On top of this they face massive legal, social and political discrimination. We oppose all forms of discrimination against women. We support their right to control their own lives indep— endently of church or state, and we fight for an all-Ireland womens movement to defend their rights.

A REAL ALTERNATIVE

P.D. is offering a real and radical alternative in this election. We are spearheading a fight-back in defence of the prisoners, against partition and in defence of democratic rights.

We are building a real workers unity — based on revolutionary change rather than acceptance of the status quo. We are offering a method of popular organisation and struggle that the people of your area will be able to use after the elections have come and gone, Peoples Democracy is standing in support of the five demands of the prisoners and we pledge not to take our seats until the H Block/Armagh issue is resolved, This does not mean that you will be disenfranchised. We pledge to carry out constituency work, set up advice centres and organise action committees in the constituencies,

PEOPLES DEMOCRACY ASKS

YOUR SUPPORT FOR THE

FOLLOWING PLATFORM:

1) Defence of the political prisoners and political status.

2) Against partition. Immediate British withdrawal and disbandment of the RUC. 3) Support for all democratic rights. Defence of the rights of anti-imperialists, trade unionists and women. For affirmat- Ive action in employment for anti-unionist workers. 4) For a fight against austerity measures and cutbacks, and the building of a fightback in the unions, among the unemployed and In the communities. This focus, already taken up by American dockers, can activate and consolidate wides— pread international trade union support. We can turn their words into real pressure on the British. At home, throughout the 32 counties, the campaign to organise to ensure that labour movement bodies, trades councils, branch committees issue a direct call to other trades councils and organised workers to take action. It is they who are the recognised ieaders and who have authority among wor-— kers. The campaign should also concentrate on motivating rank and file workers to take direct action themselves. This has begun already to pressurise those at the top who are sitting on the fence, The power of movement from below must sweep away that fence,

POBLACHT SHOISIALACH

#e1 SOCIALIST REPUBLIC Paper of PEOPLES’ DEMOCRACY THE PEOPLES DEMOCRACY bases itself on the following points: We agree that the central political question for the Irish people is the political, economic and military domination of Ireland by imperialism and that the central task for the the Irish revolution is the solution of the national question through the ending of partition and achievement of political and economic independence. We are united in our rejection of the claim that any lasting solution to the oppression of the Irish people can be found within a 6 county framework, and in our rejection of any "right" of the Loyalist minority to continue partition. AS Marxists we believe that the capitalist state must be smashed and replaced by a workers! state and that only the organised wor- Chall king class can provide the motive force for doing this. We believe that a crucial area of capitalist oppression is women, and this is especially so in Ireland, given the history of clerical power here, Women are oppressed as a sex and even a successful rev— olution will not automatically guarantee the elimination of this oppression. For this reason, we unconditionally support the right of women to organise independently to fight for their emancipation, As Marxists, we believe that the working class has the ability to successfully challenge and defeat imperialism. It produces the wealth of society without being able to control or distribute it, It is potentially stronger than any other other class because of its ability to organise on amass base, com— bining its economic strensth and enge Fianna Fall 1981 has been a bad year for Charlie Haughey. Many political commentators In the South are forecasting a general electjon In the near future, Sucha prospect is a cause of great anxiety to thim. Such anxiety to him. Economic forecasters are unanimous in their predictions of an impending economic collapse. Unemployment and price Inflation continue to rise. Charlie's one hope lay in the much publicised Haughey— Thatcher agreement; and tnat has exploded in his face.

The crisis in the H-Blocks and the death of Bobby Sands has proved to be the major stumbling block in his path to reelection, Increasingly, people In the South have been asking, 'Why didn't Haughey stand up to Margaret Thatcher?! There is widespread disillusionment with Haughey!s "Northern policy" among the people in general and increasingly within the ranks of the Fianna Fail party. For the first time in many years, wide sections of the population are demanding that the Irish Government take a tougher line with the British.

The politics of the North of Ireland have become a debat— ing point in the workplace, the home and everywhere that people gather. For the first time Fianna Fail's neglect of the minority in the six counties is being openly challenhed. The time has come for this to be taken a step further with an intervention by anti-imperial— ists into the election arena in the South Much has been said of the youth of Ireland and the half share we hold of the population of the 25 county state. Charlie Haughey, Free State premier, has spoken of our sterling qualities in one of the endless vague speeches that mark Fianna Fail!s populist approach to politics, He may have cause to regret the vigour and hope of these same young people for one of the campaigns which is fastest attracting youth support is the H-Block campaign. An exam— ple of this is the recent formation of a 'Skinheads against H-Block! group in Dublin. On the Day of Mourning for Bobby Sands, 70% of the Dublin procession was young people, The 26 county political parties have shown they have little to offer young people except un=employment a la Fianna Fail, Fine Gael or Labour. The SDLP has only words and will never even have the pretence Nationally minded peopie In the South have generally voted for Fianna Fail. While never really a republican party, it was seen by most people as the party that represented Ireland's national aims, as apart from Fine Gael! and Labour who had no record of republicanism or defence of democratic rights.

So long as Fianna Fail remains unchallenged on this ground they will continue to hold the allegiance of the majority of Southern working class people, Not only will this continue to be the case but unless challenged they will get away with the treachery they have practiced since first gaining power in 1932, Up until very recently, the attitude of most Fianna Fail voters was that in the long run Haughey would solve the national question to the advantage of the Northern minority and possibly even bring about a © United Ireland. If the H-Blocks and Armagh conveyor belt is to be ended, the illusions of people in the South in Fianna Fail must be challenged once and for all: Fianna Fail and Charlie Haughey stood idly by while Bobby Sands and Francis Hughes have died in the Blocks. Now is the time to put real alternative anti-imperial— ist policies to the Irish people.

We must turn the screw on Haughey at the ballot box, This can be done by standing candidates in key areas In the South and launching a massive cam— paign for anti-imperialist policies throughout the 26 counties.

Its strength of numbers. We accept that workers have the right to defend themselves against imperialism. However, we do not accept the ideology of militarism -the belief that armed groups can substitute themselves for the masses and win freedom for them.

We believe in the building of an organised and experienced |leadership, in a Marxist party based on the Leninist theory of party organisation;: the central feature of which is democratic central—ism. The organisation is international—ist. It commits itself to holding an organised discussion with representatives of the Fourth International on the question of affiliation to the Fl. Members of the organisation may hold individ— ual membership of the Fl.

FUND DRIVE

Peoples Democracy has stretched its resources to the limit in the H-Block/Armagh campaign. WE are participating at every level of the campaign and have helped to build and support the initiatives of the movement, We have produced pamphlets, leaflets and bulletins giving our our views of how the campaign should be built. We are now engaged in confronting the enemies of the prisoners at the polls, All of this costs money which we republican socialists have in short supply. Only you, our supporters, can supply the shortfall which is always left after our accounts are done, The election campaign is an especially heavy expense which we need money for immediately.

We appeal to you to help us drive the British back from their present oppression of the Irish people and to build a united Irish working clas voice against imperialism by sending us money.

CAMPAIGN FACES VICIOUS

TORY GOVERNMENT

The election of Bobby Sands as Member of Parliament for Fermanagh/South Tyrone on the H-Block/Armagh political prisoner ticket was an Important victory for the second hunger strike campaign. Against all the predictions of the press and TV, despite the unprecedentedly vicious campaign of the SOLP urging antiunionists to vote for Harry West, despite the arrogant protestations of Maggie Thatcher about the impossibility of the 5 demands ever being granted, Bobby Sands victory at the polls was an unmistakable sign that the campaign for political status was supported by the majority of the Irish people.

In those few days after April 9th, when the Tories dropped their attempts to unseat Sands as MP, victory seemed within our grasp. How is it possible now that Bobby Sands and Francis Hughes are dead? How did it happen that the movement could not prevent these deaths?

And what does ‘this say about the possibility of saving the lives of the other hunger ‘strikers and winning the 5 demands? It Is because this must now be our main concern that we have to look carefully at the weak-— nesses of the two campaigns so that mistakes are not repeated and the important less— ons are learnt. One of the most important less— ons 2f the struggle around the 5 demands is what Maggie Thatcher represents. It is not any government that can withstand the pressure directed at

YOUTH AGAINST H-BLOCK

ot power for the youth of the North. These parties can only give a platform for prestigious jobs, useless discussions and political positions (such as the Vice President of Young Fine Gael, Maria Stack, who withdrew her remarks in favour of abortion in favour of contin— ued prominence in the proimperialist party). So young people are turning their energies against the state perceiving it correctly to be the political expression of their Problems. However, the anger does not always take a political direction and rioting has provided the police and army with an excuse for violence and given support to reactionary media views, Haughey must be forced to stand up to Margaret Thatcher and insist that she grant the 5 demands. He has to be made end all collaboration with Thatcher. Over the last 6 months, al— though they have made up over half of all recent demonstrations, youth have not been organ- Ised consistently on a separate basis and so have not had a political voice In the campaign.

Youth need to organise separately. For too long, we have besn told what to do by parents, tecahers and elders. Together we have the strength not only to solve the question of political status but to decide our future in a very real way.

We must show that we stand behind the prisoners and to do Mrs. Margaret Hughes it by the Hunger Strike campaign, It built massive mobilisations North and South, the biggest seen in Ireland since the early '70!'s, Internationally there was pressure from: the USA, France, Portugal, Norway, Greece, Malta. In Ireland, limited expressions of concern from the major Nationalist parties were given point by resolutions of support and strike action from Trades Unionists throughout the 32 this, it is mot enough just to attend demonstrations. We must organise ourselves as a force in the campaign and reach out to other youth, Defence 2f their local areas is an important task for youth in the North. Youth should organ— ise the mass picketing of RUC barracks and draw the people out in support. Otherwise, unco-ordinated rioting will peter out and the Catholic population will find itself denied a means of militant self-expression, We can beg’ in our own areas with friends, leaflettirig schools schools, dole queues, discos.., setting up local Youth against H-Block/ Armagh groups, lobby— ing local TD!s (especially Fianna Fail TD!s). A H-Block youth conference will be held soon, It is important to organise support for this conference and ensure that there are representatives of youth from all areas. Socialist Republic is coming out in a special 12 page issue in August, marking a further stage in the development of the paper. The SR will be typeset and there will be a second colour on the front page besides black and white! Two major articles will be written to launch the re-vamped paper.

One by Michael Farrell will deal with the 10th Anniversary of internment. The other, by veteran journalist on the antiimperialist struggle Gerry Foley, will deal with the meaning of the Irish struggle against imperialism. So book your paper now. Or better still subscribe and provide us with much needed cash.

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Rates for 12 issues; Ireland, England, Scotland Wales: Europe: Canada, USA: Elsewhere: Address at bottom of page Counties, But this is no ordinary British government. It is one of the most vicious right wing Tory regimes ever seen in that country. It is a government that plans to isolate, criminalise and defeat the anti-imperialist movement and in so doing humiliate the Irish people as a whole -a determination matched only by their determination to attack the British working class. !n Britain as well as Ireland, unemployment, cutbacks, poverty and misery have now*become the order of the day. A defeat on the Irish question would throw the whole strategy of the government into question and mark a major crisis for imperialism internationally. The extremely reactionary nature of this government and the central importance or political status is then the first lesson which we must firmly grasp. This itself points to the secondiesson. There is absolutely no point in placing reliance on parties like Fianna Fail and the SDLP to uphold the democratic rights of ithe Irish people, Junior partners In imperialist exploitation is the game which these parties play.

Unfortunately, far too many people still have confidence In their willingness to find a solution to the hunger strike crisis. We have not yet succeeded in capturing the misleaders Haughey and Hume and forcing them to respond to the demands of the movement, We have not yet succeeded in compelling these parties through their rank and file to throw their weight behind the forces of the hunger strike campaign. This is why the demands:

WITHDRAW FROM THE

COUNCILS

END THE HAUGHEY

THATCHER TALKS

EXPEL THE BRITISH

AMBASSADOR

are crucial now in the fight to build a movement that can save the lives of Ray McCreesh and Patsy O!Hara, The other lesson we must learn is the central importance of industrial action by the organised working class. We have made tremendous progress In building trade union action often with few resources, The whole force of the campaign directed at workers can ensure victory for us,

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Peoples Vemocracy is helping to bujld the Workers! Republic which is the only solution to the imperialist domination of our country. If you want to know more about our organis— ation, write to us at the address below: PD, 38 Clanawley Road, Killester, Dublin 5,